DePaul University has just violated its contract with eminent MiddleEast scholar Dr. Norman G. Finkelstein this Friday, refusing to lethim come back and teach his classes during his final, terminal year,and further undermining academic freedom at the university.
Internationally renowned scholars Noam Chomsky, John Mearsheimer, TonyJudt, Akeel Bilgrami, and Neve Gordon are all scheduled to speak at theUniversity of Chicago in October on this matter of academic freedom, inlight of the controversial tenure denial of the prominent Middle Eastscholar at Chicago's DePaul University.
The event is to be hosted by Tariq Ali and is presented by DePaul'sAcademic Freedom Committee, Diskord Journal (University of Chicago)and Verso Books.Two Press Releases with more information on each matter are attachedto this email.
Daniel Klimek
Press Secretary
Academic Freedom Committee
DePaul University(773) 817-1291Dpk24g@gmail.comwww.academicfreedomchicago.org
Sunday, August 26, 2007
Search for the Funniest NEW Palestinian Comedian Contest
Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour launches
SEARCH FOR THE FUNNIEST NEW PALESTINIAN COMEDIAN CONTEST
During our next Israel-Palestine Tour (Nov. 27-Dec. 9, 2007) we are going to conduct the Search for the Funniest NEW Palestinian Comedian.
We are looking for new Palestinian comedians who have not performed on TV or on a professional stage before. (We'll host another Search for the Funniest New Israeli Comedian later.) Entrants can produce a short video, post it online and submit it through the Web Page www.IPComedyTour.com for consideration. Submissions will be posted. Judging will be by public voting AND by the four founders of the Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour Aaron Freeman, Charley Warady, Yisrael Campbell and Ray Hanania.
In the meantime, you can get information or encourage someone you know to submit their comedy video to compete, or pass the word around to any Palestinians you know who would like to participate.
The winner of the contest will win Cash (I'm working on the Prize Sponsorship Now) ... and the Crown of being the Funniest New Palestinian Comedian in the World ...
go to www.IPComedyTour.com to get more information
Humor is a powerful way to overcome animosities and no place needs it more than the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour has performed to enthusiastic audiences of Palestinians and Israelis in January in Israel-Palestine, in May in Toronton, Canada, and again in June in Israel-Palestine. The response has been tremendous. Nothing is more moving than being among hundreds of Palestinians and Israelis after a show and watching them talk, laugh and get to know each other.
Ray Hanania
www.hanania.com
SEARCH FOR THE FUNNIEST NEW PALESTINIAN COMEDIAN CONTEST
During our next Israel-Palestine Tour (Nov. 27-Dec. 9, 2007) we are going to conduct the Search for the Funniest NEW Palestinian Comedian.
We are looking for new Palestinian comedians who have not performed on TV or on a professional stage before. (We'll host another Search for the Funniest New Israeli Comedian later.) Entrants can produce a short video, post it online and submit it through the Web Page www.IPComedyTour.com for consideration. Submissions will be posted. Judging will be by public voting AND by the four founders of the Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour Aaron Freeman, Charley Warady, Yisrael Campbell and Ray Hanania.
In the meantime, you can get information or encourage someone you know to submit their comedy video to compete, or pass the word around to any Palestinians you know who would like to participate.
The winner of the contest will win Cash (I'm working on the Prize Sponsorship Now) ... and the Crown of being the Funniest New Palestinian Comedian in the World ...
go to www.IPComedyTour.com to get more information
Humor is a powerful way to overcome animosities and no place needs it more than the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour has performed to enthusiastic audiences of Palestinians and Israelis in January in Israel-Palestine, in May in Toronton, Canada, and again in June in Israel-Palestine. The response has been tremendous. Nothing is more moving than being among hundreds of Palestinians and Israelis after a show and watching them talk, laugh and get to know each other.
Ray Hanania
www.hanania.com
Saturday, August 25, 2007
CENTCOM: 3 Iraqi Insurgents Killed/17 suspects detained
MULTI-NATIONAL FORCE-IRAQ PRESS DESK
BAGHDAD, Iraq
http://www.mnf-iraq.com703.343.8790/
Aug 25, 2007
Release A070825b
Three terrorists killed, 17 suspects detained in Coalition raids
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Coalition Forces killed three terrorists and detained 17suspected terrorists during operations targeting al-Qaeda in Iraqactivities in the Tigris River ValleyCoalition Forces raided several buildings north of Muqdadiyah seekingthe area's al-Qaeda in Iraq media emir.
As the assault force moved tosecure the five buildings, they encountered three armed men, each in adifferent room, who drew their weapons on the assault force. In eachcase, Coalition Forces defended against the hostile threat and engagedthe armed men, killing them. The ground forces also discoveredbomb-making materials, which an explosives team destroyed on site. Onesuspected terrorist was detained.Coalition Forces used information from operations Jul. 14 and Aug. 2 to capture a suspected terrorist financier northeast of Samarra. The individual is believed to provide money for weapons and other support toforeign terrorists in the Tigris River Valley.
Coalition Forces also captured a suspected associate of al-Qaeda in Iraq senior leaders in Salah ad Din province. Intelligence reports indicate the individual moved to Bayji to help al-Qaeda in Iraq set up operationsthere. Coalition Forces detained six more suspected terrorists duringthe raid.Coalition Forces continued their assault against the bombing networks inBaghdad with two operations around the city. The ground forces captured an alleged terrorist cell leader in the Arab Jabour area, believed to oversee 20 explosives experts, and five of his suspected associates. Based on information from operations on Aug. 15 and Aug. 24, CoalitionForces targeted a bomb maker during a pre-dawn operation in western Baghdad. When the ground forces requested for occupants to come out ofthe target building, two men exited and were taken into Coalition Forcescustody. To secure the area, the ground forces entered the building,which was a Red Crescent facility. Inside, Coalition Forces took greatcare to protect the facility's resources before determining the buildingwas secure and leaving.
"Terrorists, especially Al Qaeda in Iraq and members of the bombingnetworks, continue to misuse protected sites and hide among the Iraqipopulation," said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, MNF-I spokesperson."
Coalition Forces respect the special status of Red Crescent facilities and workers and take their commitment to the Geneva Conventions very seriously."
-30-
FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT THE MNF-I PRESS DESK at:MNFIPressdesk@iraq.centcom.mil. FOR THIS PRESS RELEASE AND OTHERS VISIT WWW.MNF-IRAQ.COM.
BAGHDAD, Iraq
http://www.mnf-iraq.com703.343.8790/
Aug 25, 2007
Release A070825b
Three terrorists killed, 17 suspects detained in Coalition raids
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Coalition Forces killed three terrorists and detained 17suspected terrorists during operations targeting al-Qaeda in Iraqactivities in the Tigris River ValleyCoalition Forces raided several buildings north of Muqdadiyah seekingthe area's al-Qaeda in Iraq media emir.
As the assault force moved tosecure the five buildings, they encountered three armed men, each in adifferent room, who drew their weapons on the assault force. In eachcase, Coalition Forces defended against the hostile threat and engagedthe armed men, killing them. The ground forces also discoveredbomb-making materials, which an explosives team destroyed on site. Onesuspected terrorist was detained.Coalition Forces used information from operations Jul. 14 and Aug. 2 to capture a suspected terrorist financier northeast of Samarra. The individual is believed to provide money for weapons and other support toforeign terrorists in the Tigris River Valley.
Coalition Forces also captured a suspected associate of al-Qaeda in Iraq senior leaders in Salah ad Din province. Intelligence reports indicate the individual moved to Bayji to help al-Qaeda in Iraq set up operationsthere. Coalition Forces detained six more suspected terrorists duringthe raid.Coalition Forces continued their assault against the bombing networks inBaghdad with two operations around the city. The ground forces captured an alleged terrorist cell leader in the Arab Jabour area, believed to oversee 20 explosives experts, and five of his suspected associates. Based on information from operations on Aug. 15 and Aug. 24, CoalitionForces targeted a bomb maker during a pre-dawn operation in western Baghdad. When the ground forces requested for occupants to come out ofthe target building, two men exited and were taken into Coalition Forcescustody. To secure the area, the ground forces entered the building,which was a Red Crescent facility. Inside, Coalition Forces took greatcare to protect the facility's resources before determining the buildingwas secure and leaving.
"Terrorists, especially Al Qaeda in Iraq and members of the bombingnetworks, continue to misuse protected sites and hide among the Iraqipopulation," said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, MNF-I spokesperson."
Coalition Forces respect the special status of Red Crescent facilities and workers and take their commitment to the Geneva Conventions very seriously."
-30-
FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT THE MNF-I PRESS DESK at:MNFIPressdesk@iraq.centcom.mil. FOR THIS PRESS RELEASE AND OTHERS VISIT WWW.MNF-IRAQ.COM.
Coalition forces discover execution site in Iraq
MULTI-NATIONAL FORCE-IRAQ PRESS DESK
BAGHDAD, Iraq
http://www.mnf-iraq.com703.343.8790
Aug 25, 2007
Release A070825a
Execution site discovered, eight suspects detained
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Coalition Forces uncovered a terrorist execution siteand a building suspected of being a car bomb factory during an operationAug. 21-23 south of Baghdad.
As Coalition Forces entered the Arab Jabour area, they immediatelyreceived small arms fire. The assault force returned fire, killing oneterrorist.During the 24-hour operation, Coalition Forces discovered an area usedby terrorists as an execution and dumping site. The ground forces foundhuman skulls, decomposing bodies and bones wrapped in bloody clothes.
Wild dogs were rampant around the area, which was characterized by acrater where most of the human remains were dumped. Inside a nearbybuilding, the ground forces found blood spatter and other signsindicating executions had taken place there. In another building,Coalition Forces found several improvised explosive devices in the areaand a weapons cache that included trigger wires.
Intelligence reports indicate that al-Qaeda in Iraq operates in the area, and weapons caches in the area contain materials used in theBaghdad car-bombing network. Local Iraqis helped Coalition Forces find a stash of homemade explosives and a building that was suspected of being a car bomb factory. Inside the compound, the ground forces foundnumerous items used to make and mix homemade explosives for use in carbombs. An air strike destroyed the explosives cache. Eight suspectedterrorists were detained during the operation for their association withal-Qaeda in Iraq and conducting terrorist activities in the Arab Jabour region.
"Al-Qaeda in Iraq members are ruthless terrorists who brutalize,torture, and murder innocent Iraqis in their campaign of senselessterror," said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, MNF-I spokesperson. "We willcontinue to hunt down and kill or capture these brutal terrorists whoseek to deny Iraqis a future of their choice."
-30-
FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT THE MNF-I PRESS DESK at:
MNFIPressdesk@iraq.centcom.mil
FOR THIS PRESS RELEASE AND OTHERS VISIT WWW.MNF-IRAQ.COM
Cutlines:
Patrol: Coalition Force Soldiers move to the next targeted al-Qaeda inIraq operating location with two detained suspected terrorists during operations in the Arab Jabour region. (Photo by: USAF Staff Sgt. JorgeA. Rodriguez)
IED materials: Coalition Force Soldiers uncover homemade explosivemaking equipment in a warehouse known to be used by al-Qaeda in Iraqterrorists operating in the Arab Jabour region of Iraq.
(Photo by: USAFStaff Sgt. Jorge A. Rodriguez)Cache destroyed: Coalition Forces destroy three buildings that had beenused by al-Qaeda in Iraq terrorists to make homemade explosives in theArab Jabour region of Iraq. (USAF photo by: Staff Sgt. Jorge A.Rodriguez)
BAGHDAD, Iraq
http://www.mnf-iraq.com703.343.8790
Aug 25, 2007
Release A070825a
Execution site discovered, eight suspects detained
BAGHDAD, Iraq - Coalition Forces uncovered a terrorist execution siteand a building suspected of being a car bomb factory during an operationAug. 21-23 south of Baghdad.
As Coalition Forces entered the Arab Jabour area, they immediatelyreceived small arms fire. The assault force returned fire, killing oneterrorist.During the 24-hour operation, Coalition Forces discovered an area usedby terrorists as an execution and dumping site. The ground forces foundhuman skulls, decomposing bodies and bones wrapped in bloody clothes.
Wild dogs were rampant around the area, which was characterized by acrater where most of the human remains were dumped. Inside a nearbybuilding, the ground forces found blood spatter and other signsindicating executions had taken place there. In another building,Coalition Forces found several improvised explosive devices in the areaand a weapons cache that included trigger wires.
Intelligence reports indicate that al-Qaeda in Iraq operates in the area, and weapons caches in the area contain materials used in theBaghdad car-bombing network. Local Iraqis helped Coalition Forces find a stash of homemade explosives and a building that was suspected of being a car bomb factory. Inside the compound, the ground forces foundnumerous items used to make and mix homemade explosives for use in carbombs. An air strike destroyed the explosives cache. Eight suspectedterrorists were detained during the operation for their association withal-Qaeda in Iraq and conducting terrorist activities in the Arab Jabour region.
"Al-Qaeda in Iraq members are ruthless terrorists who brutalize,torture, and murder innocent Iraqis in their campaign of senselessterror," said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, MNF-I spokesperson. "We willcontinue to hunt down and kill or capture these brutal terrorists whoseek to deny Iraqis a future of their choice."
-30-
FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT THE MNF-I PRESS DESK at:
MNFIPressdesk@iraq.centcom.mil
FOR THIS PRESS RELEASE AND OTHERS VISIT WWW.MNF-IRAQ.COM
Cutlines:
Patrol: Coalition Force Soldiers move to the next targeted al-Qaeda inIraq operating location with two detained suspected terrorists during operations in the Arab Jabour region. (Photo by: USAF Staff Sgt. JorgeA. Rodriguez)
IED materials: Coalition Force Soldiers uncover homemade explosivemaking equipment in a warehouse known to be used by al-Qaeda in Iraqterrorists operating in the Arab Jabour region of Iraq.
(Photo by: USAFStaff Sgt. Jorge A. Rodriguez)Cache destroyed: Coalition Forces destroy three buildings that had beenused by al-Qaeda in Iraq terrorists to make homemade explosives in theArab Jabour region of Iraq. (USAF photo by: Staff Sgt. Jorge A.Rodriguez)
Thursday, August 23, 2007
Common Ground News Wire features
Title: Regional peace with Palestine at the coreAuthor: Marc GopinSource: The Common Ground News Service, 23 August 2007Word Count: 745
Title: Making peace workAuthor: Erin PinedaSource: The Common Ground News Service, 23 August 2007Word Count: 914
Each article is available in Arabic, English and Hebrew
Regional peace with Palestine at the core
By Marc Gopin
WASHINGTON - We are at a critical juncture in the Palestinian-Israeli struggle. It is this struggle that takes precedence over the regional Arab-Israeli conflict because its acuteness and its constant festering since 1948 underlies the intractability of all the other conflicts. It becomes essential then for the new openings between Syria and Israel, for example, to be a spur to a comprehensive peace with the Palestinians as well, not a hindrance. My work in Syria for peace during the last three years has yielded the following insights into what may work:* Most influential Syrians, including many high-ranking officials, want normalization of relations with Israel based on a return of the Golan. There are obstacles from deeply entrenched Old Guard interests in the status quo, but a positive showing of peace by Israel and the US will significantly strengthen and even transform the power of moderate forces in the Syrian leadership.* The Syrian public, however, is moved and always has been by the injustice done to the Palestinians, their fellow Arabs and Muslims. They will not support President Assad in peace talks--support he truly needs--unless they see some genuine signals from the Israelis that they are serious about justice for Palestinian refugees, and a renewed respect for and reconciliation with Muslims.* Most influential Syrians are ready for a less proprietary relationship with Lebanon even though they resent the "ingratitude" of the Lebanese. What this all means is that there is room for President Assad, who has already reached out to Israel quietly for three years, to reach out publicly to the people of Israel and the Jewish community as further pressure. But he must receive something substantial in return in order to not lose domestic support, which is solidly behind the Palestinian cause. It also means that if strong diplomacy prevails there is room for a non-military transformation of the Syrian-Lebanese relationship. The entire Israeli security establishment wants a serious dialogue with Syria, especially given the regional increase in rocket investments and the resulting blow to Israel's defences last year. Most Israeli security analysts are satisfied that Assad is serious about negotiations, but it is the White House that, due to its anti-diplomatic policy of threats only, is preventing Prime Minister Olmert from taking action. Olmert, and any aspiring leader of Israel, is afraid of the political ability of the White House to shift their support toward Netanyahu and bring down the current Israeli government. In order to set in motion a chain reaction of peace moves, we need a US administration that is serious about comprehensive peace in the Middle East. This may only come after the next American elections. But it is also possible that the sitting president may simply give Olmert the green light to talk to Syria without any acknowledgement of having done so. What the region needs is a thaw in Syrian-Israeli encounters, some significant measures designed to change the living conditions of the Palestinians, and serious final status talks with Fatah on the major outstanding issues: the 1948 refugees and Jerusalem. There is every reason to believe that movement in these realms will put major pressure on the military wing of Hamas to desist from resistance because the people, even inside Hamas, will demand it once they see the benefits accruing.Iran, Qatar, and private Gulf funds continue to massively support Hamas' resistance, and this can undo peace progress. This is where constant, forceful diplomacy in the region will have to accompany bilateral negotiations. This is not something that the current US administration may be capable of, but the major players in the region should be planning for a different American posture before long. The current approach to the Middle East is an abysmal defeat for America, and this assessment has bipartisan consensus. When the White House is to the right of the Israeli security establishment something is out of balance in American politics. An American shift to pragmatism will not satisfy those who want an even-handed American approach to the Palestinians, however. But we can expect more pragmatism and a deeper understanding of the consequences of the brutal passivity of the Bush years in the face of the situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Meanwhile, the stars may soon be aligned for Syria to be the next Arab rejectionist state to transform its relationship with Israel. This will be good news only if it is not at the expense of the Palestinians and their rights to equality and final justice.
###
* Marc Gopin is the James Laue Professor at George Mason University's Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 23 August 2007, www.commongroundnews.comCopyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
Making peace work
By Erin Pineda
NEW YORK - Simply stated, the "peace dividend" theory holds that in times of peace, budgets and resources normally allocated for defence can be used to invest internally in housing, education, and other initiatives which improve a society and bolster an economy. In other words: in the long term, peace is more profitable than war.But in the post-Cold War world, regional conflicts and international terrorism have proliferated, and peace has proven an elusive concept. Having thus far failed to make peace in our time, the economic gains of the "peace dividend" have largely remained in the realm of the theoretical. Perhaps we need to utilize new tools and look at peace-making through new lenses in order to build the vibrant, viable, stable, and prosperous societies we envision for the future. Suppose for a moment that business cannot wait for peace; suppose that selling a product and turning a healthy profit could actually play a significant role in encouraging peace. In business, it is commonly acknowledged that two parties profiting from a joint venture develop a mutual, vested interest in developing and maintaining the relationship between them. What if the same could be said for "enemy" populations?That is the theory behind the PeaceWorks LLC, a 13-year old company that has pioneered the field of the socially conscious, "not-only-for-profit" business model, and proven that peace and profit can work hand in hand. The company has a unique mission: to foster economic cooperation and peaceful business interactions in conflict regions through the manufacturing, packaging, and distributing of natural food products, all the while sustaining a growing, profitable company. PeaceWorks was founded by Daniel Lubetzky in 1994, when, fresh from Stanford Law School, he travelled to Israel to research ways to encourage economic ventures between Israelis and Arabs. After tasting a sun dried tomato pesto made in Israel, he came up with an idea.So what does pesto have to do with peace? PeaceWorks turned the process of manufacturing this local product into a process for conflict resolution. The line of products which includes sun dried tomato, basil, and olive pestos runs as a cooperative venture that ties Israelis and Arabs together - Meditalia, a name meant to evoke the diverse and culturally-rich region shared by both Arabs and Jews, uses olives from Palestinian farmers, tomatoes from Turkey, and glass jars manufactured in Egypt. By providing people who are separated from one another by geography, the politics of antagonistic governments, past wars, and religio-ethnic rifts a project of mutual interest, the people involved in the production of these projects have come to see themselves as tied to one another. They benefit in a very tangible way -- profit -- from their interactions with one another, and so learn that it is in their best interest to cement these relationships. Once profitable and mutually-beneficial business relationships have been developed, the process of breaking down stereotypes and divisions becomes much easier. People begin to see themselves as interconnected. With its distribution network now at 10,000 stores worldwide, PeaceWorks has grown significantly, and proven that business has a part to play in making the world a better place. The company now offers a number of different products made as joint ventures between "enemy" populations - in addition to the Meditalia products, Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims in Indonesia collaborate on PeaceWorks' Bali Spice line. Furthermore, PeaceWorks' other products, the Be Natural and KIND healthy snack bars, though not made in a conflict region, donate 5% of their profits to Lubetzky's non-profit foundation, The PeaceWorks Foundation, whose OneVoice Movement works toward a non-violent end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the ground up.After the failure of Oslo and the rise of the second Intifada, Lubetzky applied the same entrepreneurial sense and hands-on approach that started PeaceWorks to launch OneVoice, a grassroots movement which empowers the moderate majority of Israelis and Palestinians to take a more assertive role in resolving the conflict. The globalisation of products and markets has radically changed business in the last century. Likewise, the globalisation and internationalisation of regional conflicts has dynamically shifted the framework for conflict resolution. In many ways OneVoice represents the non-profit mirror for the PeaceWorks LLC: its efforts are focused on the tangible, day-to-day processes of getting people involved in changing the political situation for the better. With field offices in Tel-Aviv, Ramallah, and Gaza, OneVoice has worked to create an alternative paradigm of politics in the region, transcending the "left vs. right" and "Israeli vs. Palestinian" divides to reveal that the moderate majority can prevail over the absolutist vision of an extremist minority, which so often succeeds in derailing the peace process. In just five years, OneVoice has signed up over 430,000 members on both sides of the Green Line, and actively engaged the Israeli, Palestinian, and international leadership in heeding the call of their people to sit down and negotiate a resolution. In January of 2007, the World Economic Forum hosted a special plenary session featuring OneVoice activists, giving them a platform to pledge their support for a two state solution in front of Tzipi Livni, Shimon Peres, Mahmoud Abbas, and WEF Founder Klaus Schwab. Progress towards peace, specifically in regions plagued by complex and internationalised conflicts, is slow at best, and the steps that must be taken do not point us down the path of least resistance. The PeaceWorks Group has gone a long way in working to prove that there is a necessary role for ordinary people -- for businesses, for citizens -- to play in the process of making peace work.###
* Erin Pineda is the Communications Coordinator for the New York office of the OneVoice international headquarters, www.onevoicemovement.org. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 23 August 2007, www.commongroundnews.comCopyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
Title: Making peace workAuthor: Erin PinedaSource: The Common Ground News Service, 23 August 2007Word Count: 914
Each article is available in Arabic, English and Hebrew
Regional peace with Palestine at the core
By Marc Gopin
WASHINGTON - We are at a critical juncture in the Palestinian-Israeli struggle. It is this struggle that takes precedence over the regional Arab-Israeli conflict because its acuteness and its constant festering since 1948 underlies the intractability of all the other conflicts. It becomes essential then for the new openings between Syria and Israel, for example, to be a spur to a comprehensive peace with the Palestinians as well, not a hindrance. My work in Syria for peace during the last three years has yielded the following insights into what may work:* Most influential Syrians, including many high-ranking officials, want normalization of relations with Israel based on a return of the Golan. There are obstacles from deeply entrenched Old Guard interests in the status quo, but a positive showing of peace by Israel and the US will significantly strengthen and even transform the power of moderate forces in the Syrian leadership.* The Syrian public, however, is moved and always has been by the injustice done to the Palestinians, their fellow Arabs and Muslims. They will not support President Assad in peace talks--support he truly needs--unless they see some genuine signals from the Israelis that they are serious about justice for Palestinian refugees, and a renewed respect for and reconciliation with Muslims.* Most influential Syrians are ready for a less proprietary relationship with Lebanon even though they resent the "ingratitude" of the Lebanese. What this all means is that there is room for President Assad, who has already reached out to Israel quietly for three years, to reach out publicly to the people of Israel and the Jewish community as further pressure. But he must receive something substantial in return in order to not lose domestic support, which is solidly behind the Palestinian cause. It also means that if strong diplomacy prevails there is room for a non-military transformation of the Syrian-Lebanese relationship. The entire Israeli security establishment wants a serious dialogue with Syria, especially given the regional increase in rocket investments and the resulting blow to Israel's defences last year. Most Israeli security analysts are satisfied that Assad is serious about negotiations, but it is the White House that, due to its anti-diplomatic policy of threats only, is preventing Prime Minister Olmert from taking action. Olmert, and any aspiring leader of Israel, is afraid of the political ability of the White House to shift their support toward Netanyahu and bring down the current Israeli government. In order to set in motion a chain reaction of peace moves, we need a US administration that is serious about comprehensive peace in the Middle East. This may only come after the next American elections. But it is also possible that the sitting president may simply give Olmert the green light to talk to Syria without any acknowledgement of having done so. What the region needs is a thaw in Syrian-Israeli encounters, some significant measures designed to change the living conditions of the Palestinians, and serious final status talks with Fatah on the major outstanding issues: the 1948 refugees and Jerusalem. There is every reason to believe that movement in these realms will put major pressure on the military wing of Hamas to desist from resistance because the people, even inside Hamas, will demand it once they see the benefits accruing.Iran, Qatar, and private Gulf funds continue to massively support Hamas' resistance, and this can undo peace progress. This is where constant, forceful diplomacy in the region will have to accompany bilateral negotiations. This is not something that the current US administration may be capable of, but the major players in the region should be planning for a different American posture before long. The current approach to the Middle East is an abysmal defeat for America, and this assessment has bipartisan consensus. When the White House is to the right of the Israeli security establishment something is out of balance in American politics. An American shift to pragmatism will not satisfy those who want an even-handed American approach to the Palestinians, however. But we can expect more pragmatism and a deeper understanding of the consequences of the brutal passivity of the Bush years in the face of the situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Meanwhile, the stars may soon be aligned for Syria to be the next Arab rejectionist state to transform its relationship with Israel. This will be good news only if it is not at the expense of the Palestinians and their rights to equality and final justice.
###
* Marc Gopin is the James Laue Professor at George Mason University's Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 23 August 2007, www.commongroundnews.comCopyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
Making peace work
By Erin Pineda
NEW YORK - Simply stated, the "peace dividend" theory holds that in times of peace, budgets and resources normally allocated for defence can be used to invest internally in housing, education, and other initiatives which improve a society and bolster an economy. In other words: in the long term, peace is more profitable than war.But in the post-Cold War world, regional conflicts and international terrorism have proliferated, and peace has proven an elusive concept. Having thus far failed to make peace in our time, the economic gains of the "peace dividend" have largely remained in the realm of the theoretical. Perhaps we need to utilize new tools and look at peace-making through new lenses in order to build the vibrant, viable, stable, and prosperous societies we envision for the future. Suppose for a moment that business cannot wait for peace; suppose that selling a product and turning a healthy profit could actually play a significant role in encouraging peace. In business, it is commonly acknowledged that two parties profiting from a joint venture develop a mutual, vested interest in developing and maintaining the relationship between them. What if the same could be said for "enemy" populations?That is the theory behind the PeaceWorks LLC, a 13-year old company that has pioneered the field of the socially conscious, "not-only-for-profit" business model, and proven that peace and profit can work hand in hand. The company has a unique mission: to foster economic cooperation and peaceful business interactions in conflict regions through the manufacturing, packaging, and distributing of natural food products, all the while sustaining a growing, profitable company. PeaceWorks was founded by Daniel Lubetzky in 1994, when, fresh from Stanford Law School, he travelled to Israel to research ways to encourage economic ventures between Israelis and Arabs. After tasting a sun dried tomato pesto made in Israel, he came up with an idea.So what does pesto have to do with peace? PeaceWorks turned the process of manufacturing this local product into a process for conflict resolution. The line of products which includes sun dried tomato, basil, and olive pestos runs as a cooperative venture that ties Israelis and Arabs together - Meditalia, a name meant to evoke the diverse and culturally-rich region shared by both Arabs and Jews, uses olives from Palestinian farmers, tomatoes from Turkey, and glass jars manufactured in Egypt. By providing people who are separated from one another by geography, the politics of antagonistic governments, past wars, and religio-ethnic rifts a project of mutual interest, the people involved in the production of these projects have come to see themselves as tied to one another. They benefit in a very tangible way -- profit -- from their interactions with one another, and so learn that it is in their best interest to cement these relationships. Once profitable and mutually-beneficial business relationships have been developed, the process of breaking down stereotypes and divisions becomes much easier. People begin to see themselves as interconnected. With its distribution network now at 10,000 stores worldwide, PeaceWorks has grown significantly, and proven that business has a part to play in making the world a better place. The company now offers a number of different products made as joint ventures between "enemy" populations - in addition to the Meditalia products, Buddhists, Christians, and Muslims in Indonesia collaborate on PeaceWorks' Bali Spice line. Furthermore, PeaceWorks' other products, the Be Natural and KIND healthy snack bars, though not made in a conflict region, donate 5% of their profits to Lubetzky's non-profit foundation, The PeaceWorks Foundation, whose OneVoice Movement works toward a non-violent end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the ground up.After the failure of Oslo and the rise of the second Intifada, Lubetzky applied the same entrepreneurial sense and hands-on approach that started PeaceWorks to launch OneVoice, a grassroots movement which empowers the moderate majority of Israelis and Palestinians to take a more assertive role in resolving the conflict. The globalisation of products and markets has radically changed business in the last century. Likewise, the globalisation and internationalisation of regional conflicts has dynamically shifted the framework for conflict resolution. In many ways OneVoice represents the non-profit mirror for the PeaceWorks LLC: its efforts are focused on the tangible, day-to-day processes of getting people involved in changing the political situation for the better. With field offices in Tel-Aviv, Ramallah, and Gaza, OneVoice has worked to create an alternative paradigm of politics in the region, transcending the "left vs. right" and "Israeli vs. Palestinian" divides to reveal that the moderate majority can prevail over the absolutist vision of an extremist minority, which so often succeeds in derailing the peace process. In just five years, OneVoice has signed up over 430,000 members on both sides of the Green Line, and actively engaged the Israeli, Palestinian, and international leadership in heeding the call of their people to sit down and negotiate a resolution. In January of 2007, the World Economic Forum hosted a special plenary session featuring OneVoice activists, giving them a platform to pledge their support for a two state solution in front of Tzipi Livni, Shimon Peres, Mahmoud Abbas, and WEF Founder Klaus Schwab. Progress towards peace, specifically in regions plagued by complex and internationalised conflicts, is slow at best, and the steps that must be taken do not point us down the path of least resistance. The PeaceWorks Group has gone a long way in working to prove that there is a necessary role for ordinary people -- for businesses, for citizens -- to play in the process of making peace work.###
* Erin Pineda is the Communications Coordinator for the New York office of the OneVoice international headquarters, www.onevoicemovement.org. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 23 August 2007, www.commongroundnews.comCopyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
Il. Senator Dick Durbin returns from 2nd Middle East trip
Dear Friend,
Twelve days ago, I returned from my third trip to the Middle East, visiting Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan over the course of one, eye-opening week. I had the opportunity to meet with Illinois soldiers who put their lives in harm's way every day and see for myself the effects of the "surge" in Iraq.
Like my previous visits, I felt as though I was witnessing first-hand the worst foreign policy mistake in our nation's history.
Flying into Baghdad, our helicopter lands in a cloud of brown dirt and we walk our way toward Patrol Base Murray through a foot of deep, fine baby powder dust. The heat is furnace-like: over 120 degrees Fahrenheit. Stacks of plastic water bottles can be found at every turn. The minute you sit or stop, someone hands you a water bottle. In Iraq, water can mean the difference between life and death. Recently, a member of the Patrol Base tank crew sat for 10 hours in the heat and died of heat stroke.
Colonel Ferrell is in charge of the Patrol Base. He laughs about calling his soldiers "kids" and "sweethearts," but quickly adds they are the best fighting men and women he has ever been privileged to lead. For 20 minutes, he walks us across an aerial photograph showing the progress he has made. He tells us Al Qaeda operatives intimidate the local people by turning off the irrigation pumps needed for their crops and shutting down the electric power station to show their strength. Finally, the locals have gotten fed up and are telling his soldiers where to find Al Qaeda safe houses.
Col. Ferrell's unit is scheduled to be deployed for 15 months. Next September they will move out. I ask him whether the Iraqi Army or Police will take over. From his answer it is clear there is no post-surge follow-up plan.
As we begin to make our way back toward our transportation to our next destination, one of the senior officers waits until we are alone. He tells me 15-month deployments are just too long. By the end of twelve months my soldiers have "lost their edge, they're just going through the motions." And the 12 months between deployments is only half what they really need to reconstitute their units, rest them, train them and give them a chance to keep their families together.
"When I left, my daughter was in the sixth grade. When I get back she'll be in the eighth. It's a long time to be gone," he tells me.
As we depart in the helicopter that will carry us back to the relative safety of the Green Zone, the dust swirls around us. The only thing that remains clear is that we are no closer to a resolution to this grave error than we were almost five years ago.
When the Senate reconvenes this September, I will make sure that bringing the war in Iraq to a close remains our top priority. When the White House reports on the surge and General Petraeus testifies before the Senate next month, we must measure progress not just by our military's performance, which has been tremendous -- but by the more important yardstick of whether or not the Iraqi Government and the Bush Administration have done the hard political and diplomatic work needed to bring that country together.
As I saw first-hand during my trip to the Middle East this month, our men and women serving abroad have fought courageously. Now it's up to the politicians to bring about an end to the Iraq War -- and that will be my top priority when I return to Washington in September.Sincerely,
Dick DurbinU.S. Senator
P.S. After reading this message and watching the video, please forward this email to everyone you know. Help me get the word out about my recent trip to Iraq. Thanks for your help.
[Click this link to watch Durbin talk about Iraq Trip)
Twelve days ago, I returned from my third trip to the Middle East, visiting Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan over the course of one, eye-opening week. I had the opportunity to meet with Illinois soldiers who put their lives in harm's way every day and see for myself the effects of the "surge" in Iraq.
Like my previous visits, I felt as though I was witnessing first-hand the worst foreign policy mistake in our nation's history.
Flying into Baghdad, our helicopter lands in a cloud of brown dirt and we walk our way toward Patrol Base Murray through a foot of deep, fine baby powder dust. The heat is furnace-like: over 120 degrees Fahrenheit. Stacks of plastic water bottles can be found at every turn. The minute you sit or stop, someone hands you a water bottle. In Iraq, water can mean the difference between life and death. Recently, a member of the Patrol Base tank crew sat for 10 hours in the heat and died of heat stroke.
Colonel Ferrell is in charge of the Patrol Base. He laughs about calling his soldiers "kids" and "sweethearts," but quickly adds they are the best fighting men and women he has ever been privileged to lead. For 20 minutes, he walks us across an aerial photograph showing the progress he has made. He tells us Al Qaeda operatives intimidate the local people by turning off the irrigation pumps needed for their crops and shutting down the electric power station to show their strength. Finally, the locals have gotten fed up and are telling his soldiers where to find Al Qaeda safe houses.
Col. Ferrell's unit is scheduled to be deployed for 15 months. Next September they will move out. I ask him whether the Iraqi Army or Police will take over. From his answer it is clear there is no post-surge follow-up plan.
As we begin to make our way back toward our transportation to our next destination, one of the senior officers waits until we are alone. He tells me 15-month deployments are just too long. By the end of twelve months my soldiers have "lost their edge, they're just going through the motions." And the 12 months between deployments is only half what they really need to reconstitute their units, rest them, train them and give them a chance to keep their families together.
"When I left, my daughter was in the sixth grade. When I get back she'll be in the eighth. It's a long time to be gone," he tells me.
As we depart in the helicopter that will carry us back to the relative safety of the Green Zone, the dust swirls around us. The only thing that remains clear is that we are no closer to a resolution to this grave error than we were almost five years ago.
When the Senate reconvenes this September, I will make sure that bringing the war in Iraq to a close remains our top priority. When the White House reports on the surge and General Petraeus testifies before the Senate next month, we must measure progress not just by our military's performance, which has been tremendous -- but by the more important yardstick of whether or not the Iraqi Government and the Bush Administration have done the hard political and diplomatic work needed to bring that country together.
As I saw first-hand during my trip to the Middle East this month, our men and women serving abroad have fought courageously. Now it's up to the politicians to bring about an end to the Iraq War -- and that will be my top priority when I return to Washington in September.Sincerely,
Dick DurbinU.S. Senator
P.S. After reading this message and watching the video, please forward this email to everyone you know. Help me get the word out about my recent trip to Iraq. Thanks for your help.
Arab American National Museum announces book awards
NEWS
IMMEDIATE RELEASE
INAUGURAL ARAB AMERICAN BOOK AWARD WINNERS TO BE HONORED AT SEPTEMBER GALA AT AANM
Dearborn, MI (August 21, 2007) – Three winning books and two honorable mentions have been selected to receive the inaugural Arab American National Museum Book Award. The winners, all published in 2006, are:
Adult Non-Fiction Winner—The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by Rashid Khalidi (Beacon Press)
Adult Fiction Winner—In the Country of Men by Hisham Matar (The Dial Press)
Children or Young Adult Winner—One Green Apple by Eve Bunting, illustrated by Ted Lewin (Clarion Books)
Adult Non-Fiction Honorable Mention—The Arab Americans by Randa A. Kayyali (Greenwood Press)
Adult Non-Fiction Honorable Mention—“Evil” Arabs in American Popular Film: Orientalist Fear by Tim Jon Semmerling (University of Texas Press)
Brief descriptions of the winning books appear below.
The Arab American National Museum (AANM) Book Award encourages the publication and excellence of books that preserve and advance the understanding, knowledge, and resources of the Arab American community by celebrating the thoughts and lives of Arab Americans. The purpose of the Award is to inspire authors, educate readers and foster a respect and understanding of Arab American culture.
The winning titles were chosen by a committee of readers comprised of respected authors, university professors and artists, and from the AANM, Library & Resource Center Manager Angelita Espino and Manager of Education and Public Programming Celine Taminian.
“This award program is the first of its kind for Arab Americans. It’s important because this ethnic group has had particularly pronounced difficulties in getting published by mainstream literary presses,” says Gregory Orfalea, the Washington, D.C.-based academic and author of the seminal 2005 book The Arab Americans: A History, published by Olive Branch Press.
“And it’s a fortuitous time for such an award, because there is an amazing amount of material being produced now. This award highlights the renaissance of a branch of American literature that’s really been coming into flower in the last ten years,” Orfalea says.
The winning authors will be honored at an invitation-only award gala to be held at the AANM on Thursday, September 6, with musical entertainment by violinist Riad Abdel-Gawad.
Nominations are now being accepted for the 2007 Arab American Book Award. For criteria and nomination information, visit www.arabamericanmuseum.org and click on Library & Resource Center, or contact Angelita Espino at 313.624.0224 or aespino@accesscommunity.org. The nomination deadline is February 1, 2008.
“We hope that, as we give these awards each year, publishers will look a bit more closely at manuscripts by Arab Americans that cross their desks,” says Espino. “Five years from now, we hope the Arab American National Museum Book Award is as recognized and respected as the Coretta Scott King Book Award given by the American Library Association.”
The Arab American National Museum documents, preserves, celebrates, and educates the public on the history, life, culture, and contributions of Arab Americans. We serve as a resource to enhance knowledge and understanding about Arab Americans and their presence in this country. The Arab American National Museum is a project of ACCESS, a Dearborn, Michigan-based nonprofit human services and cultural organization. Learn more at www.arabamericanmuseum.org and www.accesscommunity.org.
Museum hours: 10 a.m.-6 p.m. Wednesday, Friday and Saturday; 10 a.m.-8 p.m. Thursday; noon-5 p.m. Sunday. Closed Monday, Tuesday; Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year’s Day. Admission is $6 for adults; $3 for students, seniors and children 6-12; ages 5 and under, free. Call 313-582-2266 for further information.
###
Arab American National Museum Book Award
2006 Winners
Adult Non-Fiction
Winner
The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood
By Rashid Khalidi (Beacon Press)
In his earlier book, Resurrecting Empire, Rashid Khalidi dissected the failures of colonial policy over the entire span of the modern history of the Middle East, predicted the meltdown in Iraq that we are now witnessing with increasing horror, and offered viable alternatives for achieving peace in the region. His newest book, The Iron Cage, hones in on Palestinian politics and history. Once again Khalidi draws on a wealth of experience and scholarship to elucidate the current conflict, using history to provide a clear-eyed view of the situation today.The story of the Palestinian search to establish a state begins in the era of British control over Palestine and stretches between the two world wars, when colonial control of the region became increasingly unpopular and power began to shift toward the United States. In this crucial period, and in the years immediately following World War II, Palestinian leaders were unable to achieve the long-cherished goal of establishing an independent state-a critical failure that throws a bright light on the efforts of the Palestinians to create a state in the many decades since 1948. By frankly discussing the reasons behind this failure, Khalidi offers a much-needed perspective for anyone concerned about peace in the Middle East.
Dr. Rashid Khalidi holds the Edward Said Chair in Arab Studies at Columbia University, where he heads the Middle East Institute. He has written more than 80 articles on Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as op-ed pieces in the New York Times, the Boston Globe, the Los Angeles Times, the Chicago Tribune, and The Nation. He lives in New York.
Adult Fiction
Winner
In the Country of Men
By Hisham Matar (The Dial Press)
This breathtaking novel is set in the rarely glimpsed world of Qaddafi’s Libya. The only debut novel short-listed for The Man Booker Prize and The Guardian First Book Prize, with rights already sold in 15 countries, In the Country of Men has received extraordinary reviews in England. Called “Outstanding…A tender evocation of universal human conflicts” by The Observer and “Glowing with emotional truth…One of the most brilliant literary debuts of recent years,” by The Times of London, this novel provides an extraordinary window into Libya and hails the arrival of a remarkable young storyteller.
In the Country of Men is the story of a young boy growing up in a terrifying and bewildering world where his best friend's father disappears and is next seen on state television at a public execution; where a mysterious man sits outside the house all day and asks strange questions; where his mother burns all their books when it seems his father has finally disappeared for good. A stunning depiction of a child confronted with the private fallout of a public nightmare, this is the only novel of its kind on contemporary Libya.
Hisham Matar was born in 1970 in New York City to Libyan parents and spent his childhood in Tripoli and Cairo. He lives in London and is currently at work on his second novel.
Children or Young Adult
Winner
One Green Apple
By Eve Bunting, illustrated by Ted Lewin (Clarion Books)
Farah feels alone, even when surrounded by her classmates. She listens and nods but doesn’t speak. It’s hard being the new kid in school, especially when you’re from another country and don’t know the language. Then, on a field trip to an apple orchard, Farah discovers there are lots of things that sound the same as they did at home, from dogs crunching their food to the ripple of friendly laughter. As she helps the class make apple cider, Farah connects with the other students and begins to feel that she belongs.
Ted Lewin’s gorgeous sun-drenched paintings and Eve Bunting’s sensitive text immediately put the reader into another child’s shoes in this timely story of a young Muslim immigrant.
Eve Bunting grew up in Northern Ireland, where storytelling is a tradition, and came to America as a young mother. She has the unique ability to address contemporary social issues, from homelessness to illiteracy, in a sensitive manner, and at the same time to explore the dynamics of family relationships. Bunting is the author of more than 200 beloved books for young people, from preschoolers to teenagers. She lives in Pasadena, California.
Ted Lewin grew up in Buffalo, New York, with two brothers, one sister, two parents, a lion, an iguana, and a chimpanzee. He became interested in art as a young boy when he would draw his brothers' world of wrestling. Lewin later worked as a professional wrestler to finance his studies at the Pratt Institute of Fine Arts, where he met his wife, Betsy, also a children's book writer and illustrator. They reside in Brooklyn, New York.
Adult Non-Fiction
Honorable Mention
The Arab Americans
By Randa A. Kayyali (Greenwood Press)
Americans of Arab heritage have made major contributions to U.S. society, and this is a timely and unique overview of their immigration patterns, settlement, adaptation, and assimilation for a general audience.
The book begins by giving a broad political and social history of the Arab world since the advent of Islam in 632 C.E. Kayyali also takes care to be inclusive of the different groups who can be classified as "Arab," and the discussion of who these people are, with their different religions and beliefs, is an enlightening base to understand their experiences as Arab Americans. Their assimilation and adaptations are discussed, and readers learn about family issues, women's issues, food, media, and religious practices in the Arab American communities.
Within the larger Arab American community, the main issues of pan-Arab identification, Christian and Muslim identities, and generational differences are covered, along with their social networks and celebrations. A final chapter focuses on the impact of Arab Americans on U.S. society, from the arts to politics, with insight into intergroup relations and the impact of 9/11. A sampling of noted Arab Americans, such as Ralph Nader, a glossary, statistical tables, and photos are included as well.
Randa A. Kayyali is a Ph.D. candidate at George Mason University and has written on Arab American issues.
Adult Non-Fiction
Honorable Mention
“Evil” Arabs in American Popular Film: Orientalist Fear
By Tim Jon Semmerling (University of Texas Press)
The "evil" Arab has become a stock character in American popular films, playing the villain opposite American "good guys" who fight for "the American way." It's not surprising that this stereotype has entered American popular culture, given the real-world conflicts between the United States and Middle Eastern countries, particularly since the oil embargo of the 1970s and continuing through the Iranian hostage crisis, the first and second Gulf Wars, and the ongoing struggle against al-Qaeda. But when one compares the "evil" Arab of popular culture to real Arab people, the stereotype falls apart. This thought-provoking book further dismantles the "evil" Arab stereotype by showing how American cultural fears, which stem from challenges to our national ideologies and myths, have driven us to create the "evil" Arab Other.
Semmerling bases his argument on close readings of six films (The Exorcist, Rollover, Black Sunday, Three Kings, Rules of Engagement, and South Park: Bigger, Longer & Uncut), as well as CNN's 9/11 documentary America Remembers. He analyzes how the films portray Arabs as threatening to subvert American "truths" and mythic tales—and how the insecurity this engenders causes Americans to project evil character and intentions on Arab peoples, landscapes, and cultures. Overall, Semmerling's probing analysis of America's Orientalist fears exposes how the "evil" Arab of American popular film is actually an illusion that reveals more about Americans than Arabs.
Tim Jon Semmerling is an independent scholar in the Dallas/Fort Worth area who holds a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures from Indiana University. Presently, he is studying for his J.D. degree at DePaul University College of Law in Chicago.
###
IMMEDIATE RELEASE
INAUGURAL ARAB AMERICAN BOOK AWARD WINNERS TO BE HONORED AT SEPTEMBER GALA AT AANM
Dearborn, MI (August 21, 2007) – Three winning books and two honorable mentions have been selected to receive the inaugural Arab American National Museum Book Award. The winners, all published in 2006, are:
Adult Non-Fiction Winner—The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by Rashid Khalidi (Beacon Press)
Adult Fiction Winner—In the Country of Men by Hisham Matar (The Dial Press)
Children or Young Adult Winner—One Green Apple by Eve Bunting, illustrated by Ted Lewin (Clarion Books)
Adult Non-Fiction Honorable Mention—The Arab Americans by Randa A. Kayyali (Greenwood Press)
Adult Non-Fiction Honorable Mention—“Evil” Arabs in American Popular Film: Orientalist Fear by Tim Jon Semmerling (University of Texas Press)
Brief descriptions of the winning books appear below.
The Arab American National Museum (AANM) Book Award encourages the publication and excellence of books that preserve and advance the understanding, knowledge, and resources of the Arab American community by celebrating the thoughts and lives of Arab Americans. The purpose of the Award is to inspire authors, educate readers and foster a respect and understanding of Arab American culture.
The winning titles were chosen by a committee of readers comprised of respected authors, university professors and artists, and from the AANM, Library & Resource Center Manager Angelita Espino and Manager of Education and Public Programming Celine Taminian.
“This award program is the first of its kind for Arab Americans. It’s important because this ethnic group has had particularly pronounced difficulties in getting published by mainstream literary presses,” says Gregory Orfalea, the Washington, D.C.-based academic and author of the seminal 2005 book The Arab Americans: A History, published by Olive Branch Press.
“And it’s a fortuitous time for such an award, because there is an amazing amount of material being produced now. This award highlights the renaissance of a branch of American literature that’s really been coming into flower in the last ten years,” Orfalea says.
The winning authors will be honored at an invitation-only award gala to be held at the AANM on Thursday, September 6, with musical entertainment by violinist Riad Abdel-Gawad.
Nominations are now being accepted for the 2007 Arab American Book Award. For criteria and nomination information, visit www.arabamericanmuseum.org and click on Library & Resource Center, or contact Angelita Espino at 313.624.0224 or aespino@accesscommunity.org. The nomination deadline is February 1, 2008.
“We hope that, as we give these awards each year, publishers will look a bit more closely at manuscripts by Arab Americans that cross their desks,” says Espino. “Five years from now, we hope the Arab American National Museum Book Award is as recognized and respected as the Coretta Scott King Book Award given by the American Library Association.”
The Arab American National Museum documents, preserves, celebrates, and educates the public on the history, life, culture, and contributions of Arab Americans. We serve as a resource to enhance knowledge and understanding about Arab Americans and their presence in this country. The Arab American National Museum is a project of ACCESS, a Dearborn, Michigan-based nonprofit human services and cultural organization. Learn more at www.arabamericanmuseum.org and www.accesscommunity.org.
Museum hours: 10 a.m.-6 p.m. Wednesday, Friday and Saturday; 10 a.m.-8 p.m. Thursday; noon-5 p.m. Sunday. Closed Monday, Tuesday; Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year’s Day. Admission is $6 for adults; $3 for students, seniors and children 6-12; ages 5 and under, free. Call 313-582-2266 for further information.
###
Arab American National Museum Book Award
2006 Winners
Adult Non-Fiction
Winner
The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood
By Rashid Khalidi (Beacon Press)
In his earlier book, Resurrecting Empire, Rashid Khalidi dissected the failures of colonial policy over the entire span of the modern history of the Middle East, predicted the meltdown in Iraq that we are now witnessing with increasing horror, and offered viable alternatives for achieving peace in the region. His newest book, The Iron Cage, hones in on Palestinian politics and history. Once again Khalidi draws on a wealth of experience and scholarship to elucidate the current conflict, using history to provide a clear-eyed view of the situation today.The story of the Palestinian search to establish a state begins in the era of British control over Palestine and stretches between the two world wars, when colonial control of the region became increasingly unpopular and power began to shift toward the United States. In this crucial period, and in the years immediately following World War II, Palestinian leaders were unable to achieve the long-cherished goal of establishing an independent state-a critical failure that throws a bright light on the efforts of the Palestinians to create a state in the many decades since 1948. By frankly discussing the reasons behind this failure, Khalidi offers a much-needed perspective for anyone concerned about peace in the Middle East.
Dr. Rashid Khalidi holds the Edward Said Chair in Arab Studies at Columbia University, where he heads the Middle East Institute. He has written more than 80 articles on Middle Eastern history and politics, as well as op-ed pieces in the New York Times, the Boston Globe, the Los Angeles Times, the Chicago Tribune, and The Nation. He lives in New York.
Adult Fiction
Winner
In the Country of Men
By Hisham Matar (The Dial Press)
This breathtaking novel is set in the rarely glimpsed world of Qaddafi’s Libya. The only debut novel short-listed for The Man Booker Prize and The Guardian First Book Prize, with rights already sold in 15 countries, In the Country of Men has received extraordinary reviews in England. Called “Outstanding…A tender evocation of universal human conflicts” by The Observer and “Glowing with emotional truth…One of the most brilliant literary debuts of recent years,” by The Times of London, this novel provides an extraordinary window into Libya and hails the arrival of a remarkable young storyteller.
In the Country of Men is the story of a young boy growing up in a terrifying and bewildering world where his best friend's father disappears and is next seen on state television at a public execution; where a mysterious man sits outside the house all day and asks strange questions; where his mother burns all their books when it seems his father has finally disappeared for good. A stunning depiction of a child confronted with the private fallout of a public nightmare, this is the only novel of its kind on contemporary Libya.
Hisham Matar was born in 1970 in New York City to Libyan parents and spent his childhood in Tripoli and Cairo. He lives in London and is currently at work on his second novel.
Children or Young Adult
Winner
One Green Apple
By Eve Bunting, illustrated by Ted Lewin (Clarion Books)
Farah feels alone, even when surrounded by her classmates. She listens and nods but doesn’t speak. It’s hard being the new kid in school, especially when you’re from another country and don’t know the language. Then, on a field trip to an apple orchard, Farah discovers there are lots of things that sound the same as they did at home, from dogs crunching their food to the ripple of friendly laughter. As she helps the class make apple cider, Farah connects with the other students and begins to feel that she belongs.
Ted Lewin’s gorgeous sun-drenched paintings and Eve Bunting’s sensitive text immediately put the reader into another child’s shoes in this timely story of a young Muslim immigrant.
Eve Bunting grew up in Northern Ireland, where storytelling is a tradition, and came to America as a young mother. She has the unique ability to address contemporary social issues, from homelessness to illiteracy, in a sensitive manner, and at the same time to explore the dynamics of family relationships. Bunting is the author of more than 200 beloved books for young people, from preschoolers to teenagers. She lives in Pasadena, California.
Ted Lewin grew up in Buffalo, New York, with two brothers, one sister, two parents, a lion, an iguana, and a chimpanzee. He became interested in art as a young boy when he would draw his brothers' world of wrestling. Lewin later worked as a professional wrestler to finance his studies at the Pratt Institute of Fine Arts, where he met his wife, Betsy, also a children's book writer and illustrator. They reside in Brooklyn, New York.
Adult Non-Fiction
Honorable Mention
The Arab Americans
By Randa A. Kayyali (Greenwood Press)
Americans of Arab heritage have made major contributions to U.S. society, and this is a timely and unique overview of their immigration patterns, settlement, adaptation, and assimilation for a general audience.
The book begins by giving a broad political and social history of the Arab world since the advent of Islam in 632 C.E. Kayyali also takes care to be inclusive of the different groups who can be classified as "Arab," and the discussion of who these people are, with their different religions and beliefs, is an enlightening base to understand their experiences as Arab Americans. Their assimilation and adaptations are discussed, and readers learn about family issues, women's issues, food, media, and religious practices in the Arab American communities.
Within the larger Arab American community, the main issues of pan-Arab identification, Christian and Muslim identities, and generational differences are covered, along with their social networks and celebrations. A final chapter focuses on the impact of Arab Americans on U.S. society, from the arts to politics, with insight into intergroup relations and the impact of 9/11. A sampling of noted Arab Americans, such as Ralph Nader, a glossary, statistical tables, and photos are included as well.
Randa A. Kayyali is a Ph.D. candidate at George Mason University and has written on Arab American issues.
Adult Non-Fiction
Honorable Mention
“Evil” Arabs in American Popular Film: Orientalist Fear
By Tim Jon Semmerling (University of Texas Press)
The "evil" Arab has become a stock character in American popular films, playing the villain opposite American "good guys" who fight for "the American way." It's not surprising that this stereotype has entered American popular culture, given the real-world conflicts between the United States and Middle Eastern countries, particularly since the oil embargo of the 1970s and continuing through the Iranian hostage crisis, the first and second Gulf Wars, and the ongoing struggle against al-Qaeda. But when one compares the "evil" Arab of popular culture to real Arab people, the stereotype falls apart. This thought-provoking book further dismantles the "evil" Arab stereotype by showing how American cultural fears, which stem from challenges to our national ideologies and myths, have driven us to create the "evil" Arab Other.
Semmerling bases his argument on close readings of six films (The Exorcist, Rollover, Black Sunday, Three Kings, Rules of Engagement, and South Park: Bigger, Longer & Uncut), as well as CNN's 9/11 documentary America Remembers. He analyzes how the films portray Arabs as threatening to subvert American "truths" and mythic tales—and how the insecurity this engenders causes Americans to project evil character and intentions on Arab peoples, landscapes, and cultures. Overall, Semmerling's probing analysis of America's Orientalist fears exposes how the "evil" Arab of American popular film is actually an illusion that reveals more about Americans than Arabs.
Tim Jon Semmerling is an independent scholar in the Dallas/Fort Worth area who holds a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures from Indiana University. Presently, he is studying for his J.D. degree at DePaul University College of Law in Chicago.
###
Tuesday, August 21, 2007
Original features from Common Ground News Service
Title: Lesson for Iraq in the Asian Soccer CupAuthor: César ChelalaSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 567
Title: Pakistan's 60 year struggle for democracyAuthor: Rehan Rafay JamilSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 857
Title: The strengthening of faith through religious diversityAuthor: Ali Noer ZamanSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 787
Title: ~Youth Views ~ Empowering youth for the common goodAuthor: Nathan RenderSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 780
Each article is available in Arabic, French, English and Indonesian; I'd be happy to send you any translation. Please feel free to republish the article(s) and let me know by sending an email to: akessinger@sfcg.org.
**********
Lesson for Iraq in the Asian Soccer Cup
By César Chelala
NEW YORK, New York - Two very dissimilar events with contradictory results took place recently in Iraq, practically simultaneously: the withdrawal of five Sunni ministers from the so-called unity government of Nouri al-Maliki and the victory of the Iraqi national soccer team over Saudi Arabia for the Asian Soccer Cup.
The first is indicative of the battle for power being waged among the factions present in that troubled country, while the second succeeded precisely because those factions were able to overcome their deep-seated differences and work towards a common goal. The politicians could learn a valuable lesson from the latter.
The Iraqi national soccer team's victory was all the more remarkable in that its adversary in the final match for the Asian soccer cup was Saudi Arabia, the three-time winner and holder of the Cup, also the team favoured to win the competition by all observers.
And this happened to a team from a country torn asunder by war and violence since the US-led invasion of March 2003.Jorvan Vieira, the Brazilian coach signed on by the Iraqi team shortly before the final game, has spoken openly — in an interview published by Clarin, an Argentine newspaper — of his amazement on observing the level of animosity among the players, especially between Sunni and Shiite Iraqis.
The team was in total disarray on his arrival. Many players didn't even talk to each other, and for the first two weeks, things were extremely difficult for him.
When asked how he managed to create a climate of civility among the Sunni, Shiite, Kurdish and Christian players, sufficient for the team to pull together, Vieira replied: "What I did was talk with them every day and tell them that unless they decided to work together they wouldn't get anywhere and that they would leave the Iraqi people without any happiness. Every time two players had a problem, I took them into a room and didn't leave that room until the problem was overcome."
After winning the semi-final match against South Korea, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis took to the streets to celebrate. The demonstrations were interrupted by two suicide car bombings resulting in the death of 50 people and 135 wounded.
A cause for celebration had become a cause for mourning.
"The day afterwards was very difficult for us," remarked Vieira. "We all cried on watching the TV images of the tragedy and we thought if it really was worthwhile to win, since if we won people died and if we lost people also died."
According to Vieira, it was despair that gave the team the strength needed to play and win the final game. The players had learned that a mother who had lost her son during the celebrations had spoken of the happiness of her boy's final moments thanks to their team's victory. It made them think "we have to win this final at any price and offer this triumph to that mother."
For a few moments, the Iraqi people were able to forget that they were living in a country ravaged by war and senseless killing.
Their team's victory gave them a sense of hope, an example of the possibilities ahead if only they worked together, just as the team had done in order to triumph.It can be argued that this was only a temporary situation. May the Iraqi leaders, however, make it a lasting one, one that will restore a sense of humanity to their ravaged country.
###
* César Chelala is a writer on human rights issues. He is also a co-winner of an Overseas Press Club of America award for an article on human rights. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
Pakistan's 60 year struggle for democracy
By Rehan Rafay Jamil
KARACHI - As Pakistanis celebrate sixty years of independence, the country finds itself embroiled in yet another seemingly intractable political crisis. The state, founded by one of the Indian subcontinent's most brilliant lawyers, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, has spent more than half of its life under military rule. Jinnah envisioned Pakistan as a secular and democratic state.
Today Pakistan is ruled by the military, and President Pervez Musharraf seems determined to stay in power despite his inability to prevent the growing militancy and political unrest brewing in the country.Musharraf has travelled down a well-trodden path. Starting with the first military coup in 1958, the country has experienced a continuous power struggle between elected and military rulers. The plot is quite predictable by now.
A general overthrows a civilian government in a military coup, making lofty but inevitably elusive promises to hold elections and return the country to democratic rule. Democracy may not be the panacea for all Pakistan's problems but it is a discourse deeply rooted in the Pakistani polity since the country's inception. Unlike many other Muslim countries, Pakistan has enjoyed brief periods of democratic rule. But elections are just one component of democracy and must be supported by strong institutions such as an independent judiciary, a free press and a robust civil society, elements that have – until recently – been absent in Pakistan.
In March, Musharraf made the mistake of suspending the most senior judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, Ifitkhar Chaudhury. Few could have contemplated the overwhelming public support that followed.
The demand for the restoration of the Chief Justice and the independence of the judiciary captured the imagination of the nation. In a historic verdict by the Supreme Court this month, the Chief Justice was reinstated. This lawyers' movement was a rare and unprecedented display of people's power in Pakistan. The protests were brought to the homes of millions of people by Pakistan's electronic media. Musharraf's seven-year rule has seen the strengthening of Pakistani civil society and a free press; it is these two institutions that could play an important role in his downfall.
There is a well-known saying in Pakistan that there are three A's that keep the country intact: Allah, the Army and America. This saying may be indicative of some deeper truths about the powers that shape Pakistani political life. Pakistan was a crucial American ally in the final days of the Cold War, which saw the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan. Today Pakistan once again finds itself as an indispensable ally in the Bush administration's so-called "War on Terror".
But the two countries have always had a difficult relationship with mutual suspicion entrenched on both sides. A stable and friendly Pakistani government is essential for American efforts to maintain the fledgling peace in Afghanistan and curb the militancy along the Pak-Afghan border.
The fear that Pakistan, a state armed with nuclear weapons, could be taken over by hostile religious extremists has been a source of concern for American policy makers. The recent standoff between the government and fundamentalist students in the Red Mosque in the heart of the capital Islamabad ostensibly strengthens that perception.
However, the Pakistani military establishment has a dubious and well-documented history of covertly supporting religious political parties and militant groups to marginalize mainstream political parties and further its foreign policy objectives. While religious parties may enjoy strong social support in Pakistan, they have had limited electoral success, as has been proven time and again at the ballot box.
Today Musharraf finds himself at an important crossroads. His political opponents argue that it is unconstitutional for him to simultaneously remain President and Chief of Army.
With parliamentary elections scheduled for October, the President is faced with a difficult dilemma: he can either attempt to stay in power in the hopes of continued support from his two principle allies – the Pakistan Army and America – or he can step down from his position as Chief of Army and allow a peaceful transition of power to a civilian government by holding transparent elections. Such a move could secure him a place in history and ensure that his considerable economic and social reforms in Pakistan are not overshadowed by a desperate attempt to stay in power at all costs.
There is evidence of recent clandestine talks of cooperation between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto, the exiled leader of Pakistan's largest political party. If these talks bear fruit, there could be a return to civilian rule in the country. Unfortunately, this in itself will not guarantee a quick fix to Pakistan's myriad problems.
The track records of the leaders of Pakistan's two major political parties, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, hardly inspire confidence in democratic leadership of the country. In order for a democratic political culture to take root in Pakistan, civilian governments must be allowed to complete their tenures in office. The people, along with democratic institutions, such as an independent judiciary and free press, should hold political leadership accountable.
In the long-term, perhaps the Turkish political model of an institutionalized role for the military in politics may be the only solution to maintain a balance of power between Pakistan's powerful military establishment and popularly elected governments.
###
*Rehan Rafay Jamil is a freelance journalist based in Pakistan. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
The strengthening of faith through religious diversity
By Ali Noer Zaman
JAKARTA - One of the much-debated religious issues in Indonesia as of today is that of pluralism. Its opponents, such as the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI), believe that pluralist theology is harmful for Islamic theological foundations, as it would reject the idea that one particular religion reigns supreme and that other religions' beliefs are apocryphal.
The Council's fatwa (religious legal opinion) of 2005, which called for the abolishment of pluralistic theology, alarmed the Muslim community of the danger of pluralist theology. The fatwa did nothing to appease the controversy; it only made the debate fiercer.Adian Husaini, from the Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation (Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, or DDII), represents another view also calling for the abandonment of pluralistic theology.
The Council highlights the fear that such theology tends to make Muslims regard Islam as relative, making some fear that Muslims will convert to other religions easily or at least accept and even adopt other religions' practices, such as attending common prayer sessions or celebrating other religions' holy days.The plurality of religion is an inevitable fact of humankind. Multiple religions have existed alongside one another throughout history.
While recognising the existence of other faiths, founders of religion and their adherents generally provided guidance on interfaith relations based on their own experiences. Stories of these interactions were usually documented only after years of oral tradition and subject to change.
In most holy books, stories of contentious interactions with people of other faiths can be easily misinterpreted or seen as instructive of anti-pluralism.At present, all such paradigms need to change. High rates of human mobility have brought adherents of various religions into sociable relations within different contexts, such as in the educational or business realms.
Multicultural communities are found in the world's big cities. Now with the help of user-friendly information and communication technologies, people have opportunities to get to know others of different faiths through empathy-driven correspondence and dialogue among religions.
For Paul F. Knitter, a Catholic theologian from the United States, different religious teachings and forms of worship can be resources for a dialogue to enrich one's religious experience.
Every religion can maintain or deepen its own integrity through encounters with other faiths. Making this materialise, however, requires a shift from the old religious mindset. For example, in Christianity Jesus is divine and the saviour of the world.
However, in a global context, he is not the only God and saviour, because God has also inspired other communities.Muslims need to apply a similar approach. Muslims should not consider the Qur'an as the only revelation to hold the absolute religious truth.
A human being is merely a limited interpreter, while God is an infinite entity with far more wisdom to impart than the human mind can process. What a human being receives from God is only the reduction of God's Word in the frame of an individual's socio-cultural language, which might be incongruent with that of others'.
There are revelations other than the Qur'an, and indeed the Qur'an itself confirms this. The messages of the Qur'an, the Bible and the Vedas, among others, are directed in each case to all humankind and are aimed at creating spiritual prosperity and peace for all.
In other words, the aim is not the conversion of other believers, as has been the attempt for centuries. Let conversion become a personal issue, influenced by a person's own social, cultural and individual considerations. Rather than forbidding someone from leaving his or her faith, conversion should be the result of his or her own decision.
According to John Hick, a British theologian and religious philosopher, pluralist theology tries to understand that different faiths are different responses and perceptions of various communities towards the materialisation of God.
Pluralist theology wants to change the religious view from focusing on one's own tradition to seeing God as the source of all faiths. Based on this perspective, one would not judge another faith from one's own religious perspective, but from a universal standpoint.
This does not require individual believers to abandon the teachings of their respective traditions. What does need to change, however, is the individual's standpoint towards other traditions. Pluralist theology has no intention of undermining the faith of religious adherents; in fact, it seeks to strengthen it.
Through religious diversity, God has shown us that He gives blessings without any preference. Pluralist theology is a gift with which to eliminate discrimination against fellow humans for their religious beliefs. In such a context, every religious believer has the same opportunity to gain salvation.
Pluralist theology, therefore, has no relation to the conspiracy theories upheld by certain groups, such as the DDII, which believe that there are concerted efforts trying to conquer adherents of their faith.Pluralist theology should be fostered and protected, not abolished.
###
* Ali Noer Zaman is a writer on socio-religious issues. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
~Youth Views ~
Empowering youth for the common good
By Nathan Render
CHICAGO, Illinois - What do religious extremists and interfaith youth organisers have in common? A lot more than one might think. College students begin their search for summer internships with enthusiasm and excitement at the opportunity to make an impact. Unfortunately, many end up doing busywork, unable to share their skills and talents. Still, these overworked, underpaid students are motivated to find meaning in their jobs. Most are trying to find purpose in their lives as they transition from childhood to adolescence, and ultimately adulthood.
I have witnessed the demoralising effect this constant searching has on youth in contrast with the frequent declaration by adults that my generation is comprised of the leaders and visionaries of the future. How can youth be "leaders of tomorrow" until they are treated with respect and validity and provided with the resources and support to do so today?
Even in youth-centric institutions such as schools and community centres, young adults are often treated as an afterthought. It often seems as though society is too busy to stop and foster the growth of young people, leaving a growing gap between the meaning youth are trying to find in their lives, and the reality in which they are living. This dissonance is the reason why organisations such as Al Qaeda may appeal to struggling young adults. These organisations give youth the impression that they have a meaningful role to fulfil, empowering them to give meaning to their life.
Eboo Patel, a practicing Muslim and Executive Director of the Interfaith Youth Core (IFYC), a non-profit organisation committed to promoting religious pluralism in the world through the empowerment of young people, recognises this phenomenon.
In his new book Acts of Faith, Patel writes, "Even people with the small interfaith movement generally treated young people's involvement as a sideshow. Religious extremists didn't view young people as an afterthought. Religious extremists saw a fire in young people that others were missing. They were stoking that fire and turning it into targeted assassination and mass murder."
Religious extremists clearly understand and utilise the malleability of young people's formative years to their advantage. A point often overlooked is that one of Osama Bin Laden's keys to success is his effective youth organising ability.
He employs these valuable skills to impassion vast numbers of struggling young people, connecting them to extensive social networks, teaching them the significance and relevance of their contribution, and imbuing in them an overall semblance of personal identity and purpose.
I am fortunate in that I have been able to pursue constructive opportunities where I felt valued and have formed a strong identity. Members of my communities, particularly the ones directly related to my faith, have taken the time and effort to invest in my future.
In return, I have been empowered to support pluralism and contribute positively to the world I have envisioned. My experiences in high school – and now in college – have provided me with a strong foundation upon which to live my life as a pluralist and be an effective contributor to my community, my country, and the world.
This summer I was blessed with the opportunity to work as an intern at the organisation Patel founded, the IFYC. The experience has provided me with yet another positively empowering community in which I can thrive, where my potential is repeatedly affirmed. Particularly influential was my work in the InterACTION youth exchange program, which encouraged interfaith and cross-cultural dialogue amongst Jordanian and American youth.
In my first week as an intern, I was given the daunting task of planning all the dialogue sessions for the exchange. I then had the opportunity to participate in the program, practicing the core values of tolerance and hospitality that IFYC embodies.
Most importantly, I have been given the opportunity to learn from my dynamic, intelligent and thoughtful colleagues, particularly my fellow interns. But I know this experience is not the norm for all youth.
While I have always found outlets that allow me to voice my opinions and be a vehicle for positive change, I recognise young people around the world constantly encounter resistance in their efforts to do the same. IFYC and religious extremist organisations possess more similarities than one would first imagine, yet with one major difference: the IFYC strives to build and promote pluralism among youth through cooperative service and religious understanding. We need organisations which embody the youth-centred culture of religious extremist groups, but provide constructive, rather than destructive, opportunities for youth.
Out of my experience comes what I feel is our biggest challenge – we need to explore, create and implement more opportunities like the IFYC internships to promote positive youth development and empower youth for the common good.
###
* Nathan Render is a junior at Tufts University majoring in anthropology and child development. He is a leader of Pathways, a new interfaith initiative on his campus. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
Title: Pakistan's 60 year struggle for democracyAuthor: Rehan Rafay JamilSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 857
Title: The strengthening of faith through religious diversityAuthor: Ali Noer ZamanSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 787
Title: ~Youth Views ~ Empowering youth for the common goodAuthor: Nathan RenderSource: The Common Ground News Service, 21 August 2007Word Count: 780
Each article is available in Arabic, French, English and Indonesian; I'd be happy to send you any translation. Please feel free to republish the article(s) and let me know by sending an email to: akessinger@sfcg.org.
**********
Lesson for Iraq in the Asian Soccer Cup
By César Chelala
NEW YORK, New York - Two very dissimilar events with contradictory results took place recently in Iraq, practically simultaneously: the withdrawal of five Sunni ministers from the so-called unity government of Nouri al-Maliki and the victory of the Iraqi national soccer team over Saudi Arabia for the Asian Soccer Cup.
The first is indicative of the battle for power being waged among the factions present in that troubled country, while the second succeeded precisely because those factions were able to overcome their deep-seated differences and work towards a common goal. The politicians could learn a valuable lesson from the latter.
The Iraqi national soccer team's victory was all the more remarkable in that its adversary in the final match for the Asian soccer cup was Saudi Arabia, the three-time winner and holder of the Cup, also the team favoured to win the competition by all observers.
And this happened to a team from a country torn asunder by war and violence since the US-led invasion of March 2003.Jorvan Vieira, the Brazilian coach signed on by the Iraqi team shortly before the final game, has spoken openly — in an interview published by Clarin, an Argentine newspaper — of his amazement on observing the level of animosity among the players, especially between Sunni and Shiite Iraqis.
The team was in total disarray on his arrival. Many players didn't even talk to each other, and for the first two weeks, things were extremely difficult for him.
When asked how he managed to create a climate of civility among the Sunni, Shiite, Kurdish and Christian players, sufficient for the team to pull together, Vieira replied: "What I did was talk with them every day and tell them that unless they decided to work together they wouldn't get anywhere and that they would leave the Iraqi people without any happiness. Every time two players had a problem, I took them into a room and didn't leave that room until the problem was overcome."
After winning the semi-final match against South Korea, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis took to the streets to celebrate. The demonstrations were interrupted by two suicide car bombings resulting in the death of 50 people and 135 wounded.
A cause for celebration had become a cause for mourning.
"The day afterwards was very difficult for us," remarked Vieira. "We all cried on watching the TV images of the tragedy and we thought if it really was worthwhile to win, since if we won people died and if we lost people also died."
According to Vieira, it was despair that gave the team the strength needed to play and win the final game. The players had learned that a mother who had lost her son during the celebrations had spoken of the happiness of her boy's final moments thanks to their team's victory. It made them think "we have to win this final at any price and offer this triumph to that mother."
For a few moments, the Iraqi people were able to forget that they were living in a country ravaged by war and senseless killing.
Their team's victory gave them a sense of hope, an example of the possibilities ahead if only they worked together, just as the team had done in order to triumph.It can be argued that this was only a temporary situation. May the Iraqi leaders, however, make it a lasting one, one that will restore a sense of humanity to their ravaged country.
###
* César Chelala is a writer on human rights issues. He is also a co-winner of an Overseas Press Club of America award for an article on human rights. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
Pakistan's 60 year struggle for democracy
By Rehan Rafay Jamil
KARACHI - As Pakistanis celebrate sixty years of independence, the country finds itself embroiled in yet another seemingly intractable political crisis. The state, founded by one of the Indian subcontinent's most brilliant lawyers, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, has spent more than half of its life under military rule. Jinnah envisioned Pakistan as a secular and democratic state.
Today Pakistan is ruled by the military, and President Pervez Musharraf seems determined to stay in power despite his inability to prevent the growing militancy and political unrest brewing in the country.Musharraf has travelled down a well-trodden path. Starting with the first military coup in 1958, the country has experienced a continuous power struggle between elected and military rulers. The plot is quite predictable by now.
A general overthrows a civilian government in a military coup, making lofty but inevitably elusive promises to hold elections and return the country to democratic rule. Democracy may not be the panacea for all Pakistan's problems but it is a discourse deeply rooted in the Pakistani polity since the country's inception. Unlike many other Muslim countries, Pakistan has enjoyed brief periods of democratic rule. But elections are just one component of democracy and must be supported by strong institutions such as an independent judiciary, a free press and a robust civil society, elements that have – until recently – been absent in Pakistan.
In March, Musharraf made the mistake of suspending the most senior judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, Ifitkhar Chaudhury. Few could have contemplated the overwhelming public support that followed.
The demand for the restoration of the Chief Justice and the independence of the judiciary captured the imagination of the nation. In a historic verdict by the Supreme Court this month, the Chief Justice was reinstated. This lawyers' movement was a rare and unprecedented display of people's power in Pakistan. The protests were brought to the homes of millions of people by Pakistan's electronic media. Musharraf's seven-year rule has seen the strengthening of Pakistani civil society and a free press; it is these two institutions that could play an important role in his downfall.
There is a well-known saying in Pakistan that there are three A's that keep the country intact: Allah, the Army and America. This saying may be indicative of some deeper truths about the powers that shape Pakistani political life. Pakistan was a crucial American ally in the final days of the Cold War, which saw the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan. Today Pakistan once again finds itself as an indispensable ally in the Bush administration's so-called "War on Terror".
But the two countries have always had a difficult relationship with mutual suspicion entrenched on both sides. A stable and friendly Pakistani government is essential for American efforts to maintain the fledgling peace in Afghanistan and curb the militancy along the Pak-Afghan border.
The fear that Pakistan, a state armed with nuclear weapons, could be taken over by hostile religious extremists has been a source of concern for American policy makers. The recent standoff between the government and fundamentalist students in the Red Mosque in the heart of the capital Islamabad ostensibly strengthens that perception.
However, the Pakistani military establishment has a dubious and well-documented history of covertly supporting religious political parties and militant groups to marginalize mainstream political parties and further its foreign policy objectives. While religious parties may enjoy strong social support in Pakistan, they have had limited electoral success, as has been proven time and again at the ballot box.
Today Musharraf finds himself at an important crossroads. His political opponents argue that it is unconstitutional for him to simultaneously remain President and Chief of Army.
With parliamentary elections scheduled for October, the President is faced with a difficult dilemma: he can either attempt to stay in power in the hopes of continued support from his two principle allies – the Pakistan Army and America – or he can step down from his position as Chief of Army and allow a peaceful transition of power to a civilian government by holding transparent elections. Such a move could secure him a place in history and ensure that his considerable economic and social reforms in Pakistan are not overshadowed by a desperate attempt to stay in power at all costs.
There is evidence of recent clandestine talks of cooperation between Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto, the exiled leader of Pakistan's largest political party. If these talks bear fruit, there could be a return to civilian rule in the country. Unfortunately, this in itself will not guarantee a quick fix to Pakistan's myriad problems.
The track records of the leaders of Pakistan's two major political parties, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, hardly inspire confidence in democratic leadership of the country. In order for a democratic political culture to take root in Pakistan, civilian governments must be allowed to complete their tenures in office. The people, along with democratic institutions, such as an independent judiciary and free press, should hold political leadership accountable.
In the long-term, perhaps the Turkish political model of an institutionalized role for the military in politics may be the only solution to maintain a balance of power between Pakistan's powerful military establishment and popularly elected governments.
###
*Rehan Rafay Jamil is a freelance journalist based in Pakistan. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
The strengthening of faith through religious diversity
By Ali Noer Zaman
JAKARTA - One of the much-debated religious issues in Indonesia as of today is that of pluralism. Its opponents, such as the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI), believe that pluralist theology is harmful for Islamic theological foundations, as it would reject the idea that one particular religion reigns supreme and that other religions' beliefs are apocryphal.
The Council's fatwa (religious legal opinion) of 2005, which called for the abolishment of pluralistic theology, alarmed the Muslim community of the danger of pluralist theology. The fatwa did nothing to appease the controversy; it only made the debate fiercer.Adian Husaini, from the Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation (Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, or DDII), represents another view also calling for the abandonment of pluralistic theology.
The Council highlights the fear that such theology tends to make Muslims regard Islam as relative, making some fear that Muslims will convert to other religions easily or at least accept and even adopt other religions' practices, such as attending common prayer sessions or celebrating other religions' holy days.The plurality of religion is an inevitable fact of humankind. Multiple religions have existed alongside one another throughout history.
While recognising the existence of other faiths, founders of religion and their adherents generally provided guidance on interfaith relations based on their own experiences. Stories of these interactions were usually documented only after years of oral tradition and subject to change.
In most holy books, stories of contentious interactions with people of other faiths can be easily misinterpreted or seen as instructive of anti-pluralism.At present, all such paradigms need to change. High rates of human mobility have brought adherents of various religions into sociable relations within different contexts, such as in the educational or business realms.
Multicultural communities are found in the world's big cities. Now with the help of user-friendly information and communication technologies, people have opportunities to get to know others of different faiths through empathy-driven correspondence and dialogue among religions.
For Paul F. Knitter, a Catholic theologian from the United States, different religious teachings and forms of worship can be resources for a dialogue to enrich one's religious experience.
Every religion can maintain or deepen its own integrity through encounters with other faiths. Making this materialise, however, requires a shift from the old religious mindset. For example, in Christianity Jesus is divine and the saviour of the world.
However, in a global context, he is not the only God and saviour, because God has also inspired other communities.Muslims need to apply a similar approach. Muslims should not consider the Qur'an as the only revelation to hold the absolute religious truth.
A human being is merely a limited interpreter, while God is an infinite entity with far more wisdom to impart than the human mind can process. What a human being receives from God is only the reduction of God's Word in the frame of an individual's socio-cultural language, which might be incongruent with that of others'.
There are revelations other than the Qur'an, and indeed the Qur'an itself confirms this. The messages of the Qur'an, the Bible and the Vedas, among others, are directed in each case to all humankind and are aimed at creating spiritual prosperity and peace for all.
In other words, the aim is not the conversion of other believers, as has been the attempt for centuries. Let conversion become a personal issue, influenced by a person's own social, cultural and individual considerations. Rather than forbidding someone from leaving his or her faith, conversion should be the result of his or her own decision.
According to John Hick, a British theologian and religious philosopher, pluralist theology tries to understand that different faiths are different responses and perceptions of various communities towards the materialisation of God.
Pluralist theology wants to change the religious view from focusing on one's own tradition to seeing God as the source of all faiths. Based on this perspective, one would not judge another faith from one's own religious perspective, but from a universal standpoint.
This does not require individual believers to abandon the teachings of their respective traditions. What does need to change, however, is the individual's standpoint towards other traditions. Pluralist theology has no intention of undermining the faith of religious adherents; in fact, it seeks to strengthen it.
Through religious diversity, God has shown us that He gives blessings without any preference. Pluralist theology is a gift with which to eliminate discrimination against fellow humans for their religious beliefs. In such a context, every religious believer has the same opportunity to gain salvation.
Pluralist theology, therefore, has no relation to the conspiracy theories upheld by certain groups, such as the DDII, which believe that there are concerted efforts trying to conquer adherents of their faith.Pluralist theology should be fostered and protected, not abolished.
###
* Ali Noer Zaman is a writer on socio-religious issues. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
~Youth Views ~
Empowering youth for the common good
By Nathan Render
CHICAGO, Illinois - What do religious extremists and interfaith youth organisers have in common? A lot more than one might think. College students begin their search for summer internships with enthusiasm and excitement at the opportunity to make an impact. Unfortunately, many end up doing busywork, unable to share their skills and talents. Still, these overworked, underpaid students are motivated to find meaning in their jobs. Most are trying to find purpose in their lives as they transition from childhood to adolescence, and ultimately adulthood.
I have witnessed the demoralising effect this constant searching has on youth in contrast with the frequent declaration by adults that my generation is comprised of the leaders and visionaries of the future. How can youth be "leaders of tomorrow" until they are treated with respect and validity and provided with the resources and support to do so today?
Even in youth-centric institutions such as schools and community centres, young adults are often treated as an afterthought. It often seems as though society is too busy to stop and foster the growth of young people, leaving a growing gap between the meaning youth are trying to find in their lives, and the reality in which they are living. This dissonance is the reason why organisations such as Al Qaeda may appeal to struggling young adults. These organisations give youth the impression that they have a meaningful role to fulfil, empowering them to give meaning to their life.
Eboo Patel, a practicing Muslim and Executive Director of the Interfaith Youth Core (IFYC), a non-profit organisation committed to promoting religious pluralism in the world through the empowerment of young people, recognises this phenomenon.
In his new book Acts of Faith, Patel writes, "Even people with the small interfaith movement generally treated young people's involvement as a sideshow. Religious extremists didn't view young people as an afterthought. Religious extremists saw a fire in young people that others were missing. They were stoking that fire and turning it into targeted assassination and mass murder."
Religious extremists clearly understand and utilise the malleability of young people's formative years to their advantage. A point often overlooked is that one of Osama Bin Laden's keys to success is his effective youth organising ability.
He employs these valuable skills to impassion vast numbers of struggling young people, connecting them to extensive social networks, teaching them the significance and relevance of their contribution, and imbuing in them an overall semblance of personal identity and purpose.
I am fortunate in that I have been able to pursue constructive opportunities where I felt valued and have formed a strong identity. Members of my communities, particularly the ones directly related to my faith, have taken the time and effort to invest in my future.
In return, I have been empowered to support pluralism and contribute positively to the world I have envisioned. My experiences in high school – and now in college – have provided me with a strong foundation upon which to live my life as a pluralist and be an effective contributor to my community, my country, and the world.
This summer I was blessed with the opportunity to work as an intern at the organisation Patel founded, the IFYC. The experience has provided me with yet another positively empowering community in which I can thrive, where my potential is repeatedly affirmed. Particularly influential was my work in the InterACTION youth exchange program, which encouraged interfaith and cross-cultural dialogue amongst Jordanian and American youth.
In my first week as an intern, I was given the daunting task of planning all the dialogue sessions for the exchange. I then had the opportunity to participate in the program, practicing the core values of tolerance and hospitality that IFYC embodies.
Most importantly, I have been given the opportunity to learn from my dynamic, intelligent and thoughtful colleagues, particularly my fellow interns. But I know this experience is not the norm for all youth.
While I have always found outlets that allow me to voice my opinions and be a vehicle for positive change, I recognise young people around the world constantly encounter resistance in their efforts to do the same. IFYC and religious extremist organisations possess more similarities than one would first imagine, yet with one major difference: the IFYC strives to build and promote pluralism among youth through cooperative service and religious understanding. We need organisations which embody the youth-centred culture of religious extremist groups, but provide constructive, rather than destructive, opportunities for youth.
Out of my experience comes what I feel is our biggest challenge – we need to explore, create and implement more opportunities like the IFYC internships to promote positive youth development and empower youth for the common good.
###
* Nathan Render is a junior at Tufts University majoring in anthropology and child development. He is a leader of Pathways, a new interfaith initiative on his campus. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 21 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
Monday, August 20, 2007
Writer's group denounces anti-Arab racism in New York City
RAWI Urges the City of New York to Reinstate Debbie Almontaser
RAWI, the Radius of Arab American Writers, is concerned by the recent "resignation" of Debbie Almontaser from New York City's Khalil Gibran International Academy, a public school devoted to Arabic language and culture.
Almontaser generated public controversy when she was spotted by a reporter wearing a tee-shirt with the phrase "Intifada NYC" at an event sponsored by Arab Women Active in the Arts and Media. Both the event and the organization are unrelated to the Gibran Academy. As Almontaser attempted to explain repeatedly, the shirt is not in any way an endorsement of violence; "the word basically means 'shaking off,'" she noted.
Almontaser was subjected to vicious and factually unsubstantiated attacks by neoconservative media and commentators such as Daniel Pipes, who published sensationalistic articles entitled "A Madrassa Grows in Brooklyn" and "Stop the NYC Madrassa." ("Madrassa" merely means "school" in Arabic.) Rupert Murdoch's New York Post dubbed Almontaser "the Initifada Principal" and ran an editorial under the title "What's Arabic for Shut It Down?" Amid the brouhaha, Randi Weingarten, the president of Almontaser's union, The United Federation of Teachers, took a public stand in opposition to Almontaser.
Almontaser, an Arabic-speaking Yemeni immigrant, is the founding principal of the school and is a veteran public school teacher. Because of the intense pressure, she was advised to resign as principal of the Academy; Mayor Michael Bloomberg accepted her resignation and swiftly replaced her with Danielle Salzberg, a non-Arabic-speaking American Jew; according to The Post, Salzberg is "an ardent Zionist who considered moving to Israel."
RAWI views this intense pressure and Almontaser's subsequent resignation as symptoms of pervasive anti-Arab racism in the United States through which nonviolent, workaday Arabic terms have been stigmatized with sinister, albeit nonsensical, connotations. We correspondingly view New York City's move to replace Almontaser with a non-Arab Zionist as a profound insult to the Arab American community. The clear message to the Arab American community is that we cannot undertake any of our own affairs without continuous public scrutiny and external bureaucratic supervision.
We have also learned that in moments of crisis the fear and loathing of Arabs will supersede the commonsensical need to exercise basic civil responsibility.
As a community of writers, scholars, and artists, RAWI is concerned about the consequences of the Almontaser imbroglio to the freedom of intellectual and cultural expression. If the City of New York can be cowed into taking action against a decorated principal who had done nothing other than wear a tee-shirt emblazoned with a cultural slogan, then groups whose purpose is to restrict public freedom will be inexcusably empowered. The effect of such groups on the Arab American community has already been substantial and has the potential to become pernicious.
Almontaser was the victim of a sensationalistic and premeditated media attack. She was then the victim of cowardice by her union and employers. RAWI urges the City of New York to reinstate her forthwith as principal of the Gibran Academy, a position from which she had no legitimate reason to resign.
end
RAWI, the Radius of Arab American Writers, is concerned by the recent "resignation" of Debbie Almontaser from New York City's Khalil Gibran International Academy, a public school devoted to Arabic language and culture.
Almontaser generated public controversy when she was spotted by a reporter wearing a tee-shirt with the phrase "Intifada NYC" at an event sponsored by Arab Women Active in the Arts and Media. Both the event and the organization are unrelated to the Gibran Academy. As Almontaser attempted to explain repeatedly, the shirt is not in any way an endorsement of violence; "the word basically means 'shaking off,'" she noted.
Almontaser was subjected to vicious and factually unsubstantiated attacks by neoconservative media and commentators such as Daniel Pipes, who published sensationalistic articles entitled "A Madrassa Grows in Brooklyn" and "Stop the NYC Madrassa." ("Madrassa" merely means "school" in Arabic.) Rupert Murdoch's New York Post dubbed Almontaser "the Initifada Principal" and ran an editorial under the title "What's Arabic for Shut It Down?" Amid the brouhaha, Randi Weingarten, the president of Almontaser's union, The United Federation of Teachers, took a public stand in opposition to Almontaser.
Almontaser, an Arabic-speaking Yemeni immigrant, is the founding principal of the school and is a veteran public school teacher. Because of the intense pressure, she was advised to resign as principal of the Academy; Mayor Michael Bloomberg accepted her resignation and swiftly replaced her with Danielle Salzberg, a non-Arabic-speaking American Jew; according to The Post, Salzberg is "an ardent Zionist who considered moving to Israel."
RAWI views this intense pressure and Almontaser's subsequent resignation as symptoms of pervasive anti-Arab racism in the United States through which nonviolent, workaday Arabic terms have been stigmatized with sinister, albeit nonsensical, connotations. We correspondingly view New York City's move to replace Almontaser with a non-Arab Zionist as a profound insult to the Arab American community. The clear message to the Arab American community is that we cannot undertake any of our own affairs without continuous public scrutiny and external bureaucratic supervision.
We have also learned that in moments of crisis the fear and loathing of Arabs will supersede the commonsensical need to exercise basic civil responsibility.
As a community of writers, scholars, and artists, RAWI is concerned about the consequences of the Almontaser imbroglio to the freedom of intellectual and cultural expression. If the City of New York can be cowed into taking action against a decorated principal who had done nothing other than wear a tee-shirt emblazoned with a cultural slogan, then groups whose purpose is to restrict public freedom will be inexcusably empowered. The effect of such groups on the Arab American community has already been substantial and has the potential to become pernicious.
Almontaser was the victim of a sensationalistic and premeditated media attack. She was then the victim of cowardice by her union and employers. RAWI urges the City of New York to reinstate her forthwith as principal of the Gibran Academy, a position from which she had no legitimate reason to resign.
end
Friday, August 17, 2007
Common Ground News Original Features
Reclaiming Christian values
By Corinne Whitlatch
WASHINGTON - The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, and the broader schism between Israel and Arab states, is of deep concern to a great many people who have no personal connection to either side. While Arab and Jewish Americans are on the front lines of citizen advocacy regarding US policy toward the conflict and peacemaking efforts, secular and Christian Americans are also involved and consider the conflict important to their lives and to the United States. Many people of all three faiths hold a profound attachment to the Holy Land.
As an example, Christians grieve the severing of the natural and historic connection between their holy sites in Jerusalem and Bethlehem by Israel's separation barrier.Churches for Middle East Peace (CMEP) is a coalition which seeks to influence the US Congress and Administration to adopt polices and take actions that would resolve the conflict and ease human suffering. The coalition brings together Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant national churches, denominations, and agencies to speak to the government with one clear voice, calling for justice and peace.
The goal of CMEP is a negotiated agreement that would bring recognition and security to Israel and a sovereign viable state to Palestinians, with Jerusalem being shared by the governments and the people.Not all Christians in America agree with us. Some hold a theological attachment to Israel and the Jewish people, interpreted as a directive that Israel should not give up any land -- even for the sake of peace. Most of these so-called "Christian Zionists" belong to non-denominational churches that often rally around charismatic preachers. News reports of Christians demonstrating passionate and exclusive support for Israel and of anti-Muslim diatribes by Christian pastors are known throughout the Arab and Muslim world. These reports distort the reality of American Christian sentiment.
Regrettably, the moderate peace and justice language and actions of traditional churches are rarely considered newsworthy, making these voices within the Christian community rarely heard.Some churches and denominations in the United States have direct partner ties with Palestinian churches and to churches in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Israel. All feel a strong attachment to the Holy Land and long for peace and reconciliation with all members of the Abrahamic family of faiths -- Jews, Christians and Muslims.
In meetings with US policymakers, CMEP addresses the situation of Palestinian Christians, namely how the ongoing occupation and conflict leads to their emigration, further depletion of their already small numbers and the erosion of the historic Christian-Muslim nature of Palestinian society.Our concern is not only for the Christians of the Holy Land, but for the whole of the Palestinian people, as well as the citizens of Israel. CMEP strives to be a balanced advocate for the common good of Israelis and Palestinians -- both victims of epic tragedies and repeated wars and violence. Neither has grasped the suffering of the other, and peace-making efforts by the United States and the international community have thus far been inadequate.
CMEP does not work alone on Capitol Hill and enjoys warm cooperative relationships with both Jewish and Arab organizations. Americans for Peace Now, Brit Tzedek V'Shalom, Israel Policy Forum, Arab American Institute and American Task Force on Palestine have quite similar policy positions to the churches in the CMEP coalition. We visit Congressional offices and arrange meetings at the State Department knowing that our message will be reinforced by Jews and Arabs, both Muslim and Christian.
As we bring our message to policymakers that this is not a zero sum game -- that the US must be a friend to both Israel and the Palestinians -- we find a growing understanding that unending conflict is not good for Israel or for America.This is certainly a time of deep despair among all who work and pray for peace and reconciliation. The fracture of the Palestinian society and governance, along with weak US and Israeli leadership dampens hope of progress and raises fear of spiralling violence. Yet, we keep in mind that last summer and at numerous times in recent decades fighting has raged and pessimism ruled. Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and ending the occupation is of such intense importance to so many people globally, that peacemaking is irrepressible.
The Arab League Initiative offers new opportunities. We are now urging the US Administration to breathe life into the President's declared vision of a viable Palestinian state, including assurance that Jerusalem will be a shared city, the capital of Palestine and of Israel.
###* Corinne Whitlatch is the Executive Director of Churches for Middle East Peace, http://www.cmep.org/. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service, 16 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
An opportunity to experience
George A. Gorayeb
ARNOLD, Maryland - In November, 2002, sixteen people, half of them Jewish- and half Arab-American, met an hour north of New York City for a weekend dialogue workshop. Most of them had not dared anything like this before. When they gathered Friday evening for introductions, anxiety was visible on all the participants' faces. The mistrust was palpable.
One participant had served in the Israeli Army decades ago.
It seemed to some of us that his only previous conversations with Arabs had been while he was holding a rifle and they were answering his questions. The introductions caused some nervous laughter and an amazing process began. Seldom in our lives had we been compelled to more directly face our own prejudices.
A few months prior, I agreed to have dinner with a man named Zachary Berk. He is Jewish and I am of Syrian/Lebanese ancestry. We met to discuss creating an organization to promote Mideast peace. We were not sure whether we could overcome our suspicions and be able to collaborate, but nonetheless quickly became friends. We are both businessmen and were anti-Viet Nam war activists in college. We discussed our mutual admiration for Martin Luther King and non-violent movements like Mahatma Gandhi's efforts to free India. We ultimately decided that we would take the risk and organize our first peace retreat.
He would recruit Jewish participants and I would recruit Arab participants. It proved more challenging than we anticipated. Most people were either too uncomfortable or rejected the idea as a waste of time that would lead to nothing. Committing to spend a weekend with a group of strangers, half of whom you might really dislike, is not most people's idea of fun.
But we ultimately coaxed enough participants to attend and we found ourselves uncomfortably sitting in a circle to hear each other's life stories on a Friday evening at a Girl Scout Retreat Center. Most participants found the interaction very stressful. I was not sure if this social experiment would explode into a screaming match lacking all constructive communication. If that happened, the opinions people held would just be reinforced.The attitudes that evening reflected years of frustration with the other side.
The Jewish participants expressed anguish at suicide bombers, religious extremists consumed by blind hatred and years of Arab rejections to Israeli overtures of peace. The Arab participants complained of the suffering, oppression, and humiliation endured by the Palestinians and Israeli rejections of Arab overtures to make peace.
Much of the interaction was exactly what we would all expect of such a group. It seemed unlikely to change any minds or hearts.
We broke for dinner and ensured that there were an equal number of Jewish and Arab guests at each table. As we broke bread together, the dialogue was more civil. People described their families, and even childhood memories. There was laughter, and with it, a miraculous process began to unfold. On Saturday, we broke into small groups and did role reversal exercises. We created scenarios in which Arab participants would play the role of an Israeli soldier, or settler. The Jewish participants would assume the role of a Palestinian teenager in a refugee camp, or a Palestinian parent struggling to find work and raise a family.
We did other exercises that exposed private inner feelings and by that afternoon, many had gotten emotional. Some described hardship and suffering endured by their parents and tears were shed. People became increasingly honest about their feelings as they opened up to the group. Our common humanity was becoming evident to everyone involved.By Sunday afternoon, as we said our goodbyes, the transformation was shocking. Miraculously, somehow we had all become sincere friends.
Many joked, hugged and made plans to gather for dinner reunions. Most agreed that this weekend had changed them profoundly. After that success, we held several more weekend retreats with similar groups. The results were consistently encouraging. The lesson was clear: given an opportunity to experience another person's life and views in a non-threatening, safe environment, most people's prejudices are mitigated.
Negative stereotyping becomes much harder to accept when you have good friends who contradict that stereotype. It seems obvious to us that if real Mideast peace is ever realized, it will come when we can acknowledge and address our common hopes and fears.
###* George A. Gorayeb lives near Annapolis, Maryland and still promotes Jewish-Arab dialogue. He can be reached at georgegorayeb@yahoo.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 16 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been granted for republication.**********
By Corinne Whitlatch
WASHINGTON - The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, and the broader schism between Israel and Arab states, is of deep concern to a great many people who have no personal connection to either side. While Arab and Jewish Americans are on the front lines of citizen advocacy regarding US policy toward the conflict and peacemaking efforts, secular and Christian Americans are also involved and consider the conflict important to their lives and to the United States. Many people of all three faiths hold a profound attachment to the Holy Land.
As an example, Christians grieve the severing of the natural and historic connection between their holy sites in Jerusalem and Bethlehem by Israel's separation barrier.Churches for Middle East Peace (CMEP) is a coalition which seeks to influence the US Congress and Administration to adopt polices and take actions that would resolve the conflict and ease human suffering. The coalition brings together Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant national churches, denominations, and agencies to speak to the government with one clear voice, calling for justice and peace.
The goal of CMEP is a negotiated agreement that would bring recognition and security to Israel and a sovereign viable state to Palestinians, with Jerusalem being shared by the governments and the people.Not all Christians in America agree with us. Some hold a theological attachment to Israel and the Jewish people, interpreted as a directive that Israel should not give up any land -- even for the sake of peace. Most of these so-called "Christian Zionists" belong to non-denominational churches that often rally around charismatic preachers. News reports of Christians demonstrating passionate and exclusive support for Israel and of anti-Muslim diatribes by Christian pastors are known throughout the Arab and Muslim world. These reports distort the reality of American Christian sentiment.
Regrettably, the moderate peace and justice language and actions of traditional churches are rarely considered newsworthy, making these voices within the Christian community rarely heard.Some churches and denominations in the United States have direct partner ties with Palestinian churches and to churches in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt and Israel. All feel a strong attachment to the Holy Land and long for peace and reconciliation with all members of the Abrahamic family of faiths -- Jews, Christians and Muslims.
In meetings with US policymakers, CMEP addresses the situation of Palestinian Christians, namely how the ongoing occupation and conflict leads to their emigration, further depletion of their already small numbers and the erosion of the historic Christian-Muslim nature of Palestinian society.Our concern is not only for the Christians of the Holy Land, but for the whole of the Palestinian people, as well as the citizens of Israel. CMEP strives to be a balanced advocate for the common good of Israelis and Palestinians -- both victims of epic tragedies and repeated wars and violence. Neither has grasped the suffering of the other, and peace-making efforts by the United States and the international community have thus far been inadequate.
CMEP does not work alone on Capitol Hill and enjoys warm cooperative relationships with both Jewish and Arab organizations. Americans for Peace Now, Brit Tzedek V'Shalom, Israel Policy Forum, Arab American Institute and American Task Force on Palestine have quite similar policy positions to the churches in the CMEP coalition. We visit Congressional offices and arrange meetings at the State Department knowing that our message will be reinforced by Jews and Arabs, both Muslim and Christian.
As we bring our message to policymakers that this is not a zero sum game -- that the US must be a friend to both Israel and the Palestinians -- we find a growing understanding that unending conflict is not good for Israel or for America.This is certainly a time of deep despair among all who work and pray for peace and reconciliation. The fracture of the Palestinian society and governance, along with weak US and Israeli leadership dampens hope of progress and raises fear of spiralling violence. Yet, we keep in mind that last summer and at numerous times in recent decades fighting has raged and pessimism ruled. Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and ending the occupation is of such intense importance to so many people globally, that peacemaking is irrepressible.
The Arab League Initiative offers new opportunities. We are now urging the US Administration to breathe life into the President's declared vision of a viable Palestinian state, including assurance that Jerusalem will be a shared city, the capital of Palestine and of Israel.
###* Corinne Whitlatch is the Executive Director of Churches for Middle East Peace, http://www.cmep.org/. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service, 16 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been granted for republication.
**********
An opportunity to experience
George A. Gorayeb
ARNOLD, Maryland - In November, 2002, sixteen people, half of them Jewish- and half Arab-American, met an hour north of New York City for a weekend dialogue workshop. Most of them had not dared anything like this before. When they gathered Friday evening for introductions, anxiety was visible on all the participants' faces. The mistrust was palpable.
One participant had served in the Israeli Army decades ago.
It seemed to some of us that his only previous conversations with Arabs had been while he was holding a rifle and they were answering his questions. The introductions caused some nervous laughter and an amazing process began. Seldom in our lives had we been compelled to more directly face our own prejudices.
A few months prior, I agreed to have dinner with a man named Zachary Berk. He is Jewish and I am of Syrian/Lebanese ancestry. We met to discuss creating an organization to promote Mideast peace. We were not sure whether we could overcome our suspicions and be able to collaborate, but nonetheless quickly became friends. We are both businessmen and were anti-Viet Nam war activists in college. We discussed our mutual admiration for Martin Luther King and non-violent movements like Mahatma Gandhi's efforts to free India. We ultimately decided that we would take the risk and organize our first peace retreat.
He would recruit Jewish participants and I would recruit Arab participants. It proved more challenging than we anticipated. Most people were either too uncomfortable or rejected the idea as a waste of time that would lead to nothing. Committing to spend a weekend with a group of strangers, half of whom you might really dislike, is not most people's idea of fun.
But we ultimately coaxed enough participants to attend and we found ourselves uncomfortably sitting in a circle to hear each other's life stories on a Friday evening at a Girl Scout Retreat Center. Most participants found the interaction very stressful. I was not sure if this social experiment would explode into a screaming match lacking all constructive communication. If that happened, the opinions people held would just be reinforced.The attitudes that evening reflected years of frustration with the other side.
The Jewish participants expressed anguish at suicide bombers, religious extremists consumed by blind hatred and years of Arab rejections to Israeli overtures of peace. The Arab participants complained of the suffering, oppression, and humiliation endured by the Palestinians and Israeli rejections of Arab overtures to make peace.
Much of the interaction was exactly what we would all expect of such a group. It seemed unlikely to change any minds or hearts.
We broke for dinner and ensured that there were an equal number of Jewish and Arab guests at each table. As we broke bread together, the dialogue was more civil. People described their families, and even childhood memories. There was laughter, and with it, a miraculous process began to unfold. On Saturday, we broke into small groups and did role reversal exercises. We created scenarios in which Arab participants would play the role of an Israeli soldier, or settler. The Jewish participants would assume the role of a Palestinian teenager in a refugee camp, or a Palestinian parent struggling to find work and raise a family.
We did other exercises that exposed private inner feelings and by that afternoon, many had gotten emotional. Some described hardship and suffering endured by their parents and tears were shed. People became increasingly honest about their feelings as they opened up to the group. Our common humanity was becoming evident to everyone involved.By Sunday afternoon, as we said our goodbyes, the transformation was shocking. Miraculously, somehow we had all become sincere friends.
Many joked, hugged and made plans to gather for dinner reunions. Most agreed that this weekend had changed them profoundly. After that success, we held several more weekend retreats with similar groups. The results were consistently encouraging. The lesson was clear: given an opportunity to experience another person's life and views in a non-threatening, safe environment, most people's prejudices are mitigated.
Negative stereotyping becomes much harder to accept when you have good friends who contradict that stereotype. It seems obvious to us that if real Mideast peace is ever realized, it will come when we can acknowledge and address our common hopes and fears.
###* George A. Gorayeb lives near Annapolis, Maryland and still promotes Jewish-Arab dialogue. He can be reached at georgegorayeb@yahoo.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 16 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been granted for republication.**********
Wednesday, August 15, 2007
Common Ground News Original Features for republication August 14, 2007
Faith in acting: a review of Eboo Patel's Acts of FaithMatthew Weiner
NEW YORK CITY - There is a growing phenomenon within the Muslim community in America that will change the history of Islam. Young Muslims, mostly the children of immigrants, are publicly reflecting on their identity. Many are becoming, or have become, Islamic scholars and activists on behalf of a civic Islam. Often, these young men and women were raised in fairly secular households and so as they become self consciously Muslim, they must re-imagine what being Muslim, as Americans, means. Certainly, this growing and internally diverse group will change how Americans understand Islam, and how Muslims across the globe understand Islam. Pay attention. A star of this group is Eboo Patel. Founder of the Interfaith Youth Core, Patel not only represents this new face of Islam, but he does so specifically by reaching across religious lines. His being Muslim is centrally focused on embracing difference - and what could be more important in this day? As he tells his story, it is his very encounter with difference that leads him to understand his own faith better, and to become a good Muslim. Patel's story is an important one if for no other reason that it shows how interfaith initiatives, that is reciprocally working with religious others, need not lead to a kind of religious Esperanto or a purely liberal understanding of religion, but rather can enforce and deepen one's own faith while building an appreciation of the other. Patel's book is at once easy to read and informative. The story line is simple without being simplistic: a young Muslim growing up in Chicago learns that he is different from many around him. Some are good to him, others are racist, and he has a choice about how to deal with this racism: go inward and become racist reactively, or begin working with those different from him in order to make a difference. That could be a tag line for this book because, of course, Patel chooses the latter, and reflects that this choice was perhaps less about him and more about who his parents and teachers were. For Patel, this becomes the central argument for why we need to foster positive relations with young Muslims in America and around the world. At this heightened point in time, Muslims can go "good" or "bad", depending on whom they are influenced by. Of course the picture is more complicated, something Patel as an activist-scholar acknowledges. But these are "troubled times", as the sociologist Anne Swiddler argues. Such times require an intense response. We need heroic figures and Patel, in his young life, is undoubtedly moving in that valuable direction. Besides being a story of victory for tolerance and embrace, Patel's story is one of journey, and the narrative line here is again both clear and moving. As Patel self awakens, he travels the globe, meeting the likes of the Dalai Lama and Dr. Ariyaratene (both Buddhists), and is inspired by the likes of Gandhi (a Hindu) and James Baldwin (a Christian and openly gay African American). He likewise rediscovers his own tradition, with such Muslim luminaries as Rumi. Patel does not spend too much time in his autobiography reflecting in an overt way on the more intolerant side that Islam (as well as all other religions) can manifest, although it is implied. Besides not focusing on Islam gone awry, he also does not focus on defending Islam. For me, this is another highlight of Patel's work. Almost everything published about Islam these days is either "pro-Islam" or "anti-Islam" as opposed to a book that looks at Islam in a natural way, finding both the glories and dangers within any lived tradition. Hats off to Patel for refusing to see Islam as an either/or phenomenon, and instead painting a real and complex picture. This is a book that everyone should read, not just glean from a review. Patel explores the interfaith world, realises a major moral gap in that there is no good setting for youth involvement - because it is youth who are easily swayed to intolerance or fostered to justice - and decides he should create the "Interfaith Youth Core".He does, and the rest was just written as history. It is a history worth reading, and I am looking forward to the next chapter.
###
* Matthew Weiner is the program director for the Interfaith Center of New York, and a doctoral candidate at Union Theological Seminary. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 14 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
~Youth View~
Face to faith
Samantha Kirby
CHICAGO, Illinois - During a recent four-month stay in Morocco, I was faced with the challenge of genuinely adapting to a new and drastically different cultural context. The delicate balance of honesty and selectivity, the issue of disclosure and exposure, was never more in question than during my first encounter with my host brother. After asking my name and birthplace, he inquired if I was religious. My immediate response shook me as the words passed through my lips: "No, not really."Before I embarked on my journey to Morocco, friends and family wondered how I would reconcile my Jewish identity with this Muslim society. They wanted to know my strategy for navigating sensitive issues and seemingly inevitable conflicts. I was the least concerned of all; I thought that when the time came, answers would flow. I had faith in the power of cross-cultural exchange to facilitate understanding and dialogue.Once actually faced with the question of faith, however, my immediate reaction was to hide my Jewish identity.As time progressed, this suppression became more difficult. Before long, it was Passover and I was faced with a dilemma. It would be impossible to eat with the family in traditional Moroccan style, using bread to scoop food out of the communal tajine (or clay dish), because Jews do not eat leavened breads during Passover. I had to decide whether to break Passover or finally trust my family with my religious identity. I was terrified that the bonds we had finally formed, despite the communication barriers, would instantly be broken. However, I decided that as people of faith, they would understand the significance of the holiday.It was time to come out. I took a deep breath and pulled my host mother, Nezha, into my room. I told her, in my broken Moroccan Arabic, "This week is a holiday for my religion. I don't eat bread or pastry." I paused. "Ana yehudia." I am Jewish.I showed her my box of matzo, the unleavened bread traditionally eaten during Passover, which I had hidden in my luggage. She looked at me. The three words she voiced shocked me as much as my own had, but in a radically different way. "Wakha. Meshi mushkill." Ok. No problem.Then she disappeared into the kitchen to prepare the late afternoon meal. I exhaled.When she came out, she brought the usual tray, laden with a silver teapot full of sweet mint tea, bread, jam and butter. She disappeared again and emerged with something special: a small silver tray, with just two shallow bowls of jam and butter. She placed the tray in front of me, and motioned for me to get my matzo. In Morocco, I was often inspired by the profound faith surrounding me. But nothing was as inspiring as my family's instant and unconditional acceptance of my religious identity.This summer, I am completing an internship at the Interfaith Youth Core (IFYC) in Chicago, Illinois. The IFYC is an organisation working to empower young leaders and bring them together through service work, recognising that shared values such as service and hospitality are common among all religions. We have diverse conversations at the IFYC. They are not about Palestine, Israel and the true nature of God, but about common action for the common good: making the world a better place -- one project, one leader, one story at a time.I intern alongside two Jews, a Christian and a Muslim. We don't agree on everything, and our meetings can be quite dynamic. But here we are, together, serving at the soup kitchen downstairs. Here we are, together, discussing what it means to be a Christian/Jew/Muslim at age twenty-one. We are building relationships with each other, so when we engage in challenging conversations, we can walk out of the room together and look forward to our daily lunch hour picnics. Similarly, in Morocco, though I was initially worried that the bonds with my family would be broken if I were to tell them about my religious identity, it was the relationship we had formed which allowed us to share and observe our respective religions under the same roof.I waited too long to be honest with my host family. I am ready to engage fully in those difficult conversations for which I used to hold my breath. I am ready to collaborate with my diverse peers to bring a new kind of peace to the world through pluralism.I won't wait any longer. I am ready now.
###
* Samantha Kirby, a native Californian, is a senior at Northwestern University studying religion and psychology. She recently returned from Morocco, where she studied Arabic and Moroccan culture.This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 14 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
NEW YORK CITY - There is a growing phenomenon within the Muslim community in America that will change the history of Islam. Young Muslims, mostly the children of immigrants, are publicly reflecting on their identity. Many are becoming, or have become, Islamic scholars and activists on behalf of a civic Islam. Often, these young men and women were raised in fairly secular households and so as they become self consciously Muslim, they must re-imagine what being Muslim, as Americans, means. Certainly, this growing and internally diverse group will change how Americans understand Islam, and how Muslims across the globe understand Islam. Pay attention. A star of this group is Eboo Patel. Founder of the Interfaith Youth Core, Patel not only represents this new face of Islam, but he does so specifically by reaching across religious lines. His being Muslim is centrally focused on embracing difference - and what could be more important in this day? As he tells his story, it is his very encounter with difference that leads him to understand his own faith better, and to become a good Muslim. Patel's story is an important one if for no other reason that it shows how interfaith initiatives, that is reciprocally working with religious others, need not lead to a kind of religious Esperanto or a purely liberal understanding of religion, but rather can enforce and deepen one's own faith while building an appreciation of the other. Patel's book is at once easy to read and informative. The story line is simple without being simplistic: a young Muslim growing up in Chicago learns that he is different from many around him. Some are good to him, others are racist, and he has a choice about how to deal with this racism: go inward and become racist reactively, or begin working with those different from him in order to make a difference. That could be a tag line for this book because, of course, Patel chooses the latter, and reflects that this choice was perhaps less about him and more about who his parents and teachers were. For Patel, this becomes the central argument for why we need to foster positive relations with young Muslims in America and around the world. At this heightened point in time, Muslims can go "good" or "bad", depending on whom they are influenced by. Of course the picture is more complicated, something Patel as an activist-scholar acknowledges. But these are "troubled times", as the sociologist Anne Swiddler argues. Such times require an intense response. We need heroic figures and Patel, in his young life, is undoubtedly moving in that valuable direction. Besides being a story of victory for tolerance and embrace, Patel's story is one of journey, and the narrative line here is again both clear and moving. As Patel self awakens, he travels the globe, meeting the likes of the Dalai Lama and Dr. Ariyaratene (both Buddhists), and is inspired by the likes of Gandhi (a Hindu) and James Baldwin (a Christian and openly gay African American). He likewise rediscovers his own tradition, with such Muslim luminaries as Rumi. Patel does not spend too much time in his autobiography reflecting in an overt way on the more intolerant side that Islam (as well as all other religions) can manifest, although it is implied. Besides not focusing on Islam gone awry, he also does not focus on defending Islam. For me, this is another highlight of Patel's work. Almost everything published about Islam these days is either "pro-Islam" or "anti-Islam" as opposed to a book that looks at Islam in a natural way, finding both the glories and dangers within any lived tradition. Hats off to Patel for refusing to see Islam as an either/or phenomenon, and instead painting a real and complex picture. This is a book that everyone should read, not just glean from a review. Patel explores the interfaith world, realises a major moral gap in that there is no good setting for youth involvement - because it is youth who are easily swayed to intolerance or fostered to justice - and decides he should create the "Interfaith Youth Core".He does, and the rest was just written as history. It is a history worth reading, and I am looking forward to the next chapter.
###
* Matthew Weiner is the program director for the Interfaith Center of New York, and a doctoral candidate at Union Theological Seminary. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 14 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
~Youth View~
Face to faith
Samantha Kirby
CHICAGO, Illinois - During a recent four-month stay in Morocco, I was faced with the challenge of genuinely adapting to a new and drastically different cultural context. The delicate balance of honesty and selectivity, the issue of disclosure and exposure, was never more in question than during my first encounter with my host brother. After asking my name and birthplace, he inquired if I was religious. My immediate response shook me as the words passed through my lips: "No, not really."Before I embarked on my journey to Morocco, friends and family wondered how I would reconcile my Jewish identity with this Muslim society. They wanted to know my strategy for navigating sensitive issues and seemingly inevitable conflicts. I was the least concerned of all; I thought that when the time came, answers would flow. I had faith in the power of cross-cultural exchange to facilitate understanding and dialogue.Once actually faced with the question of faith, however, my immediate reaction was to hide my Jewish identity.As time progressed, this suppression became more difficult. Before long, it was Passover and I was faced with a dilemma. It would be impossible to eat with the family in traditional Moroccan style, using bread to scoop food out of the communal tajine (or clay dish), because Jews do not eat leavened breads during Passover. I had to decide whether to break Passover or finally trust my family with my religious identity. I was terrified that the bonds we had finally formed, despite the communication barriers, would instantly be broken. However, I decided that as people of faith, they would understand the significance of the holiday.It was time to come out. I took a deep breath and pulled my host mother, Nezha, into my room. I told her, in my broken Moroccan Arabic, "This week is a holiday for my religion. I don't eat bread or pastry." I paused. "Ana yehudia." I am Jewish.I showed her my box of matzo, the unleavened bread traditionally eaten during Passover, which I had hidden in my luggage. She looked at me. The three words she voiced shocked me as much as my own had, but in a radically different way. "Wakha. Meshi mushkill." Ok. No problem.Then she disappeared into the kitchen to prepare the late afternoon meal. I exhaled.When she came out, she brought the usual tray, laden with a silver teapot full of sweet mint tea, bread, jam and butter. She disappeared again and emerged with something special: a small silver tray, with just two shallow bowls of jam and butter. She placed the tray in front of me, and motioned for me to get my matzo. In Morocco, I was often inspired by the profound faith surrounding me. But nothing was as inspiring as my family's instant and unconditional acceptance of my religious identity.This summer, I am completing an internship at the Interfaith Youth Core (IFYC) in Chicago, Illinois. The IFYC is an organisation working to empower young leaders and bring them together through service work, recognising that shared values such as service and hospitality are common among all religions. We have diverse conversations at the IFYC. They are not about Palestine, Israel and the true nature of God, but about common action for the common good: making the world a better place -- one project, one leader, one story at a time.I intern alongside two Jews, a Christian and a Muslim. We don't agree on everything, and our meetings can be quite dynamic. But here we are, together, serving at the soup kitchen downstairs. Here we are, together, discussing what it means to be a Christian/Jew/Muslim at age twenty-one. We are building relationships with each other, so when we engage in challenging conversations, we can walk out of the room together and look forward to our daily lunch hour picnics. Similarly, in Morocco, though I was initially worried that the bonds with my family would be broken if I were to tell them about my religious identity, it was the relationship we had formed which allowed us to share and observe our respective religions under the same roof.I waited too long to be honest with my host family. I am ready to engage fully in those difficult conversations for which I used to hold my breath. I am ready to collaborate with my diverse peers to bring a new kind of peace to the world through pluralism.I won't wait any longer. I am ready now.
###
* Samantha Kirby, a native Californian, is a senior at Northwestern University studying religion and psychology. She recently returned from Morocco, where she studied Arabic and Moroccan culture.This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 14 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/ Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
Thursday, August 09, 2007
CAIR Commentary: Smearing U.S. Muslim Groups is 'Un-American'
ISLAM-OPED is a national syndication service of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) designed to offer an American Muslim perspective on current political, social and religious issues.
ISLAM-OPED commentaries are offered free-of-charge to one media outlet in each market area.
Permission for publication will be granted on a first-come-first-served basis.
CONTACT: ihooper@cair.com
TEL: Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787, 202-744-7726 (c)
Please consider the following commentary for publication. ---
Smearing U.S. Muslim Groups is 'Un-American'
By Parvez Ahmed
WORD COUNT: 765
[Parvez Ahmed is board chairman of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the nation's largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy group. He is also an associate professor at the University of North Florida. His e-mail address is pahmed@cair.com.]
In December 2001, the Department of the Treasury named the Texas-based Holy Land Foundation (HLF), at that time the nation's largest Muslim charity, as a terrorist organization. The government seized HLF's assets and shut down the organization, thus freezing millions of dollars in religiously-obligated donations offered by American Muslims and others to feed and clothe orphans and the needy.
After three years of investigation, the government "revised" its allegations against HLF and a federal grand jury issued a 42-count indictment against seven individuals associated with the charity. The indictment alleged that those individuals were part of a "conspiracy" to provide material support to organizations linked to Hamas, a group designated as a terrorist organization by the State Department.
Almost six years later, the HLF officials are finally getting their day in court, as a trial is underway in Dallas. The government's trial brief argues that HLF gave donations to 12 Israeli-licensed Palestinian charities that were allegedly "associated" with Hamas.
This argument is made despite the fact that the U.S. government has not identified the Palestinian charities as supporting terrorism or banned them from receiving American donations. In fact, one of the charities has received aid from the U.S. government.
In an unusual, and some would say un-American, move prosecutors publicly named 306 individuals and organizations as "unindicted co-conspirators" (UCC) relating to the HLF case.
Among those listed are three major American Muslim organizations - the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), the North American Islamic Trust and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). Collectively, these groups represent the interests and viewpoints of the mainstream American Muslim community.
Listing a person or group as a UCC is not a legal designation of wrongdoing on the part of those named. The UCC designation merely allows for an exception to the hearsay rule, making "co-conspirator" statements admissible during trial.
A recent article in Newsweek stated: "According to one senior law-enforcement official. . .the listing of ISNA, CAIR and other groups as 'unindicted co-conspirators' was largely a tactical move by the government. By listing the groups, the official said, it makes it easier for prosecutors to introduce documents, tapes and other evidence mentioning them. . ."
This dubious practice, which offers the named parties no legal recourse, is quite controversial.
Professor Ira P. Robbins of American University recently wrote in the Federal Courts Law Review: "[The] practice of naming individuals as unindicted co-conspirators. . .appears to be an anomaly in United States law, in that it violates the Fifth Amendment guarantee that no person shall. . .be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law."
Three federal prosecutors asked by the Los Angeles Times about the practice of publicly naming unindicted co-conspirators called it "improper" and "unfair." This McCarthyite political move violates the Justice Department's own guidelines, which indicate that such lists are to remain sealed to prevent the unfair and un-American labeling of those who are not facing any criminal charges.
The Justice Department's manual for prosecutors says, "In all public filings and proceedings, federal prosecutors should remain sensitive to the privacy and reputation interests of uncharged third-parties."
The guidelines further state that when co-conspirator lists have to be filed in court, prosecutors should seek to file them under seal. In a recent Washington Post article, Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski opined that the "war on terror" has caused America more harm than anything that the terrorists ever imagined. It has created a culture of fear in the U.S.
"The atmosphere generated by the 'war on terror' has encouraged legal and political harassment of Arab Americans (generally loyal Americans) for conduct that has not been unique to them."
Given the growing fear of Islam and Muslims among the American public (one-in-four admit to being prejudiced against Muslims), it has become easy to smear Islamic organizations. Without legal recourse to challenge such smears, the constitutional rights of American Muslims suffer through guilt by association and guilt by mere accusation. This chills the First Amendment rights of American Muslims.
It is our duty as Americans to demand that the due process rights of all citizens be preserved and protected. At a time when most experts are recommending the strengthening of American Muslim institutions to serve as bridges of understanding between America and the Muslim world, smearing these same institutions undermines the very cause that ought to unite us as Americans. Liberty and justice for all cannot be a mere slogan. I
n order to reclaim our global leadership, America needs to work with its Muslim citizens to prevent the downward spiral of misunderstanding and hostility that threatens to engulf our world.
-----
CAIR Council on American-Islamic Relations 453 New Jersey Avenue, S.E. Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel: 202-488-8787, 202-744-7726 Fax: 202-488-0833 E-mail: info@cair.com URL: http://www.cair.com/
-----
ISLAM-OPED commentaries are offered free-of-charge to one media outlet in each market area.
Permission for publication will be granted on a first-come-first-served basis.
CONTACT: ihooper@cair.com
TEL: Ibrahim Hooper, 202-488-8787, 202-744-7726 (c)
Please consider the following commentary for publication. ---
Smearing U.S. Muslim Groups is 'Un-American'
By Parvez Ahmed
WORD COUNT: 765
[Parvez Ahmed is board chairman of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the nation's largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy group. He is also an associate professor at the University of North Florida. His e-mail address is pahmed@cair.com.]
In December 2001, the Department of the Treasury named the Texas-based Holy Land Foundation (HLF), at that time the nation's largest Muslim charity, as a terrorist organization. The government seized HLF's assets and shut down the organization, thus freezing millions of dollars in religiously-obligated donations offered by American Muslims and others to feed and clothe orphans and the needy.
After three years of investigation, the government "revised" its allegations against HLF and a federal grand jury issued a 42-count indictment against seven individuals associated with the charity. The indictment alleged that those individuals were part of a "conspiracy" to provide material support to organizations linked to Hamas, a group designated as a terrorist organization by the State Department.
Almost six years later, the HLF officials are finally getting their day in court, as a trial is underway in Dallas. The government's trial brief argues that HLF gave donations to 12 Israeli-licensed Palestinian charities that were allegedly "associated" with Hamas.
This argument is made despite the fact that the U.S. government has not identified the Palestinian charities as supporting terrorism or banned them from receiving American donations. In fact, one of the charities has received aid from the U.S. government.
In an unusual, and some would say un-American, move prosecutors publicly named 306 individuals and organizations as "unindicted co-conspirators" (UCC) relating to the HLF case.
Among those listed are three major American Muslim organizations - the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), the North American Islamic Trust and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). Collectively, these groups represent the interests and viewpoints of the mainstream American Muslim community.
Listing a person or group as a UCC is not a legal designation of wrongdoing on the part of those named. The UCC designation merely allows for an exception to the hearsay rule, making "co-conspirator" statements admissible during trial.
A recent article in Newsweek stated: "According to one senior law-enforcement official. . .the listing of ISNA, CAIR and other groups as 'unindicted co-conspirators' was largely a tactical move by the government. By listing the groups, the official said, it makes it easier for prosecutors to introduce documents, tapes and other evidence mentioning them. . ."
This dubious practice, which offers the named parties no legal recourse, is quite controversial.
Professor Ira P. Robbins of American University recently wrote in the Federal Courts Law Review: "[The] practice of naming individuals as unindicted co-conspirators. . .appears to be an anomaly in United States law, in that it violates the Fifth Amendment guarantee that no person shall. . .be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law."
Three federal prosecutors asked by the Los Angeles Times about the practice of publicly naming unindicted co-conspirators called it "improper" and "unfair." This McCarthyite political move violates the Justice Department's own guidelines, which indicate that such lists are to remain sealed to prevent the unfair and un-American labeling of those who are not facing any criminal charges.
The Justice Department's manual for prosecutors says, "In all public filings and proceedings, federal prosecutors should remain sensitive to the privacy and reputation interests of uncharged third-parties."
The guidelines further state that when co-conspirator lists have to be filed in court, prosecutors should seek to file them under seal. In a recent Washington Post article, Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski opined that the "war on terror" has caused America more harm than anything that the terrorists ever imagined. It has created a culture of fear in the U.S.
"The atmosphere generated by the 'war on terror' has encouraged legal and political harassment of Arab Americans (generally loyal Americans) for conduct that has not been unique to them."
Given the growing fear of Islam and Muslims among the American public (one-in-four admit to being prejudiced against Muslims), it has become easy to smear Islamic organizations. Without legal recourse to challenge such smears, the constitutional rights of American Muslims suffer through guilt by association and guilt by mere accusation. This chills the First Amendment rights of American Muslims.
It is our duty as Americans to demand that the due process rights of all citizens be preserved and protected. At a time when most experts are recommending the strengthening of American Muslim institutions to serve as bridges of understanding between America and the Muslim world, smearing these same institutions undermines the very cause that ought to unite us as Americans. Liberty and justice for all cannot be a mere slogan. I
n order to reclaim our global leadership, America needs to work with its Muslim citizens to prevent the downward spiral of misunderstanding and hostility that threatens to engulf our world.
-----
CAIR Council on American-Islamic Relations 453 New Jersey Avenue, S.E. Washington, D.C. 20003 Tel: 202-488-8787, 202-744-7726 Fax: 202-488-0833 E-mail: info@cair.com URL: http://www.cair.com/
-----
Common Ground News, Feature Story: The Power of Humor
No laughing matter
By Ray Hanania
CHICAGO – In the post Sept. 11th world, I learned several things.
It is easier to hate a stranger than to hate someone you know. And, anger often appears as "hate" when coupled with excessive fear and lack of knowledge.
There is a rising sense of hatred, of "anger gone wild" in America against Arabs and Muslims because of Sept. 11. And there seems to be a growing resignation among Palestinians and Israelis that peace and compromise are no longer possible.
Peace and compromise are always possible. What has changed, though, is attitude. People are discouraged by the unending violence, the failure of the peace process, and the increased negative rhetoric and speech.
Do we just stand by and allow extremists to control us? Or do we take unorthodox steps to remind everyone that we are both human beings and that peace and compromise are in fact the only alternatives to the conflict and violence?
After Sept. 11, I decided to turn to the most powerful form of communication that exists between human beings. Humour. Not just any kind of humour, but stand-up comedy. Stand-up comedy is a controlled kind of humour, involving social satire and sometimes biting commentary, which not only seeks to entertain but to deliver important messages.
Humour alone can't resolve conflicts like the decades-long Palestine-Israel conflict, but it can change attitudes.
It can restore a person's belief in the humanity of the other people. It can cause people to see each other in a positive way that can nurture improved relations. If people can laugh together, we can live together.
I first tested the theory in a show in East Jerusalem in Oct. 2004, at the residence of the American Consul General.
More than 75 Israelis and Palestinians attended. To press the need to bring humour to Palestinians and Israelis, I co-founded with Israeli comedian Charley Warady the Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour (www.IPComedyTour.com), also appearing with Israeli comic Yisrael Campbell and African American Jewish comedian Aaron Freeman.
In January and again in June, we performed 10 shows in Israel for mixed but mostly Israeli audiences, and in East Jerusalem for mostly Palestinian audiences.
In May, The Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour performed in Toronto, Canada for more than 1,200 people, mostly Jews and Palestinians.
There has been some opposition. Some Israeli comedians said they couldn't appear with me because it might harm their careers.For Arabs, appearing on stage with "Israelis" is considered haram (against values) and is not the same as appearing with "Jewish comedians."
Five Arab organizations cancelled my scheduled performances for them in the two weeks after returning from the first tour in Israel and Palestine. Other Palestinian and Muslim comedians have blacklisted me from their festivals and TV shows.
I don't mind the rejection because the acceptance is overwhelming. After the 2004 show, the consul general said it was "the first time in three years" Palestinians and Israelis had come together in the same room. After the Toronto show, the auditorium's entrance filled with hundreds of Palestinians and Jews who actually talked and laughed together. We need to do more of that. During the January tour, a suicide bombing in Eilat made us question whether we should continue. We decided we had to continue because we would not allow one terrorist or a group of extremists to control our lives.
The violence of a few should be reprimanded to the few. We must strive to believe that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians who are not involved in the violence are people who are angered and frustrated but not necessarily hateful of others.
We went on with our shows reminding audiences that the terrorists and extremists do not speak for the majority of Palestinians or Israelis. We can have compromise and peace if we stop demonising each other; the best way to do that is through humour.And that's no joke.
###
* Ray Hanania is an award-winning Palestinian-American syndicated columnist and a stand-up comedian based in Chicago. He can be reached at rayhanania@aol.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 09 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
By Ray Hanania
CHICAGO – In the post Sept. 11th world, I learned several things.
It is easier to hate a stranger than to hate someone you know. And, anger often appears as "hate" when coupled with excessive fear and lack of knowledge.
There is a rising sense of hatred, of "anger gone wild" in America against Arabs and Muslims because of Sept. 11. And there seems to be a growing resignation among Palestinians and Israelis that peace and compromise are no longer possible.
Peace and compromise are always possible. What has changed, though, is attitude. People are discouraged by the unending violence, the failure of the peace process, and the increased negative rhetoric and speech.
Do we just stand by and allow extremists to control us? Or do we take unorthodox steps to remind everyone that we are both human beings and that peace and compromise are in fact the only alternatives to the conflict and violence?
After Sept. 11, I decided to turn to the most powerful form of communication that exists between human beings. Humour. Not just any kind of humour, but stand-up comedy. Stand-up comedy is a controlled kind of humour, involving social satire and sometimes biting commentary, which not only seeks to entertain but to deliver important messages.
Humour alone can't resolve conflicts like the decades-long Palestine-Israel conflict, but it can change attitudes.
It can restore a person's belief in the humanity of the other people. It can cause people to see each other in a positive way that can nurture improved relations. If people can laugh together, we can live together.
I first tested the theory in a show in East Jerusalem in Oct. 2004, at the residence of the American Consul General.
More than 75 Israelis and Palestinians attended. To press the need to bring humour to Palestinians and Israelis, I co-founded with Israeli comedian Charley Warady the Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour (www.IPComedyTour.com), also appearing with Israeli comic Yisrael Campbell and African American Jewish comedian Aaron Freeman.
In January and again in June, we performed 10 shows in Israel for mixed but mostly Israeli audiences, and in East Jerusalem for mostly Palestinian audiences.
In May, The Israeli-Palestinian Comedy Tour performed in Toronto, Canada for more than 1,200 people, mostly Jews and Palestinians.
There has been some opposition. Some Israeli comedians said they couldn't appear with me because it might harm their careers.For Arabs, appearing on stage with "Israelis" is considered haram (against values) and is not the same as appearing with "Jewish comedians."
Five Arab organizations cancelled my scheduled performances for them in the two weeks after returning from the first tour in Israel and Palestine. Other Palestinian and Muslim comedians have blacklisted me from their festivals and TV shows.
I don't mind the rejection because the acceptance is overwhelming. After the 2004 show, the consul general said it was "the first time in three years" Palestinians and Israelis had come together in the same room. After the Toronto show, the auditorium's entrance filled with hundreds of Palestinians and Jews who actually talked and laughed together. We need to do more of that. During the January tour, a suicide bombing in Eilat made us question whether we should continue. We decided we had to continue because we would not allow one terrorist or a group of extremists to control our lives.
The violence of a few should be reprimanded to the few. We must strive to believe that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians who are not involved in the violence are people who are angered and frustrated but not necessarily hateful of others.
We went on with our shows reminding audiences that the terrorists and extremists do not speak for the majority of Palestinians or Israelis. We can have compromise and peace if we stop demonising each other; the best way to do that is through humour.And that's no joke.
###
* Ray Hanania is an award-winning Palestinian-American syndicated columnist and a stand-up comedian based in Chicago. He can be reached at rayhanania@aol.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at http://www.commongroundnews.org/.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 09 August 2007, http://www.commongroundnews.org/
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
**********
Wednesday, August 08, 2007
Christian Sabebeh Conference in September
Dear friends in the USA and Canada,
Once more, it is time for the Annual Arabic/English Christian Shabeebeh Conference at beautiful Maranatha. This year, a third day has been added due to popular demand, so please plan accordingly. We would love to see you with us, so please try to make it. We would appreciate it if you could inform your friends or forward this e-mail to anyone that might be interested in attending.
To register, simply reply to this e-mail, or call us at the numbers listed at the bottom of this e-mail. When registering, please indicate all the names of the people attending in your group, and whether arriving on Thursday or Friday for each!
For those that haven't attended before, Maranatha is located right on the Eastern shores of Lake Michigan. You will be lodging in wonderful, one-bedroom apartments or hotel-style rooms, and if you feel like it, the beautiful lake-shores are only a few minutes walk. The food is great, and the atmosphere is even better!
Please visit our website for more information at:http://www.geocities.com/cabc3/arabic-youth-conference.htm
For those on Facebook.com, visit the conference page to view pictures at http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=2580421407 Please confirm your registration even if you have already registered on Facebook!________________________________________________________
9th Annual Arabic/English Christian Shabeebeh Conference, 2007
When: September 6-9, 2007 (Thursday – Sunday, the weekend after Labor weekend)Speaker (Arabic): Pastor Nicolas Yasmine, from Montreal, Canada
Speaker (English): Bro. Fayez Khoury
Worship Leader: Bro. Ziad Shihadeh
Where: Maranatha Bible Conference, in Muskegon, Michigan, USA. Here's the website for the conference center if you're interested: http://maranatha.gospelcom.net/ Maranatha Pictures: http://maranatha.gospelcom.net/maranatha/gallery/ Price (Thursday arrival): $165 American (~$175 Canadian)
Price (Friday Eve. arrival): $130 American (~$140 Canadian)
Ages: 16-45 *
* Kids are permitted with parents. Sunday School will be provided.
Rooms are limited, so please reserve your spot by Monday 8/27.
________________________________________________________
We look forward to seeing you with us.Your brethren in Christ,The Chicago/Michigan Arabic Christian Shabeebeh
For them,
Bisher Rihani
Day: (630)579-5182
Cell: (773)719-4440E-mail: bisher_rihani@yahoo.com
Once more, it is time for the Annual Arabic/English Christian Shabeebeh Conference at beautiful Maranatha. This year, a third day has been added due to popular demand, so please plan accordingly. We would love to see you with us, so please try to make it. We would appreciate it if you could inform your friends or forward this e-mail to anyone that might be interested in attending.
To register, simply reply to this e-mail, or call us at the numbers listed at the bottom of this e-mail. When registering, please indicate all the names of the people attending in your group, and whether arriving on Thursday or Friday for each!
For those that haven't attended before, Maranatha is located right on the Eastern shores of Lake Michigan. You will be lodging in wonderful, one-bedroom apartments or hotel-style rooms, and if you feel like it, the beautiful lake-shores are only a few minutes walk. The food is great, and the atmosphere is even better!
Please visit our website for more information at:http://www.geocities.com/cabc3/arabic-youth-conference.htm
For those on Facebook.com, visit the conference page to view pictures at http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=2580421407 Please confirm your registration even if you have already registered on Facebook!________________________________________________________
9th Annual Arabic/English Christian Shabeebeh Conference, 2007
When: September 6-9, 2007 (Thursday – Sunday, the weekend after Labor weekend)Speaker (Arabic): Pastor Nicolas Yasmine, from Montreal, Canada
Speaker (English): Bro. Fayez Khoury
Worship Leader: Bro. Ziad Shihadeh
Where: Maranatha Bible Conference, in Muskegon, Michigan, USA. Here's the website for the conference center if you're interested: http://maranatha.gospelcom.net/ Maranatha Pictures: http://maranatha.gospelcom.net/maranatha/gallery/ Price (Thursday arrival): $165 American (~$175 Canadian)
Price (Friday Eve. arrival): $130 American (~$140 Canadian)
Ages: 16-45 *
* Kids are permitted with parents. Sunday School will be provided.
Rooms are limited, so please reserve your spot by Monday 8/27.
________________________________________________________
We look forward to seeing you with us.Your brethren in Christ,The Chicago/Michigan Arabic Christian Shabeebeh
For them,
Bisher Rihani
Day: (630)579-5182
Cell: (773)719-4440E-mail: bisher_rihani@yahoo.com
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